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"HIS GRAND MOTIVE 

A JUST LIBERTY TO ALL MEN'S SPIRITS 
IN SPIRITUAL MATTERS " 

Roger Williams on Dr. John Clarke 



STORY OF DR. JOHN CLARKE 

THE FOUNDER OF 

THE FIRST FREE COMMONWEALTH 
OF THE WORLD 

ON THE BASIS OF 

''' Full Liberty in Religious Concernments " 



Thomas W. Bicknell, A.M., LL.D. 

Author of '•Historical Sketches"; "History of Barrington, R. I."; 
"History of the Rhode Island Normal School"; "History and 
Genealogy of the Bicknell Family in England and America"; 

"Sowams"; etc., etc. 



FIRST EDITION 



Published by the Author 
PROVIDENCE, R. I. 






COPYRIGHT 

THOMAS W. BICKNELL 

1915 



-3 I Si 5 



!)CI,A416464 



DR. JOHN CLARKE 

Scholar Author 

Physician 

Minister of the Gospel 

Leader in Banishment 

Co-Founder of Towns on Aquidneck 

Co-Founder of Rhode Island Colony 

Diplomat at home and in England 

Stateman 
Author of Royal Charter of 1663 

1609—1676 



PREFACE. 

The Honorable Le Baron Bradford Colt, a Senator 
from the State of Rhode Island in the Senate of the 
United States declared, "The Rhode Island doctrine 
of religious freedom stands as the first amendment 
to the Federal Constitution, and is incorporated into 
the organic law of every American state. This is 
the immortal principle which Rhode Island has added 
to the structure of our government, — to the making 
of America." It is my purpose to show, when, where 
and by whom "the Lively Experiment" of a Free 
Commonwealth, on the basis of soul-liberty, was first 
successfully and permanently made. I shall attempt 
to prove by the most conclusive evidence, that, at 
Portsmouth (Pocasset) in 1638. and at Newport in 
1639, William Coddington, John Clarke and their 
associates established a well organized "Bodie Poli- 
ticke' on the broad foundations of "DEMOCRACIE" 
and that in 1640. by the political union of the two 
towns, a colony was set up, styled the Colony of Rhode 
Island, on the island of Aquidneck, which in its de- 
clared principles and in its vital character, illustrated 
and enforced, in due magisterial form and procedure, 
for the first time in the world's history, the full, clear, 
comprehensive Doctrine of Civil and Religious Lib- 
erty in the conduct of a Free Commonwealth. 



Yet more clearly will the great concerns of these 
English planters be made manifest to the world, when 
it will appear that Dr. John Clarke, the leader of the 
AquidneCk Plantation, procured, by wise diplomacy, 
from King Charles the Second, in July, 1663, the most 
liberal charter ever given to men, securing to Rhode 
Island and Providence Plantations full liberty in 
civil and religious concernments. 

Yet more, the highest honor belongs to Dr. John 
Clarke, the author and inspirer of the Royal Charter, 
whose mind dictated and whose pen wrote the im- 
perishable sentiment, "That it is much on their 

HEARTS (if they may BE PERMITTED) TO HOLD FORTH 
A LIVELY EXPERIMENT, THAT A MOST FLOURISHING 
CIVIL STATE MAY STAND AND BEST BE MAINTAINED, 
AND THAT AMONG OUR EnGLISH SUBJECTS, WITH A 
FULL LIBERTY IN RELIGIOUS CONCERNMENTS." 

These words, cut in enduring marble on the west 
facade of our beautiful Capitol at Providence, con- 
stitute it a living monument to perpetuate the spotless 
name and the matchless fame of Dr. John Clarke of 
Aquidneck. 

To the Grand Jury of the World, I submit the evi- 
dence of historic facts. 

Thomas W. Bicknell. 
Providence, R. I. 
Sept. 6, 1915. 



The Story of Dr. John Clarke 
of Aquidneck 



CONTENTS. 

Page. 
Chapter I. Rhode Island, The Birth- 

place of Soul Liberty .... 9-14 

Chapter II. The Puritan in the IMaking 14-26 

Chapter III. Religious Liberty — C o n - 

science Liberty 26-33 

Chapter IV. Boston, The Preparatory 
School of a Free Common- 
wealth in Rhode Island . . 33-54 

Chapter V. Anne Hutchinson's School 
of Civil and Religious Lib- 
erty 54-73 

Chapter VI. Dr. John Clarke from 1609- 

1651 73-87 

Chapter VII. The Founding of Ports- 
mouth 87-101 

Chapter VIII. A Democratic State in the 

Making 101-122 

Chapter IX. The Founding of Newport . 122-133 



Chapter X. The Founding of the Colony 
of Rhode Island on Aquid- 
neck 133-140 

Chapter XL Rhode Island on Aquidneck, 

A Commonwealth 140-158 

Chapter XII. Concerning Roger Williams 

and Providence 158-182 

Chapter XIII. The Royal Charter, The 
Final Guaranty of Civil 
and Religious Freedom in 
America 182-199 

Chapter XIV. Concerning Dr. John Clarke 

of Aquidneck 199-210 

Letter of Moses Brown 210-212 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



1. Rhode Island Capitol at Provi- 

dence, R. I Facing Title Page ^ 

2. Sir Harry Vane Facing Page 61 "^ 



3. Aquidneck 

4. The Portsmouth Compact . . . 

5. Henry Bull House 

6. Gov. William Coddington 

House, Newport 

7. Gov. William Coddington, Jr. 

8. Petition of Robert Scott et al. 

9. Grave of Dr. John Clarke, 

Newport 

10. Thomas W. Bicknell 



87 


96 


" 117 


" 122 


" 153 ' 


" 162 


" 199 


" 210 



The Birthplace of Soul Liberty. 



CHAPTER I. 

Rhode Island. 

The Birthplace of Soul Liberty. 

Rhode Island is the name of one of the United 
States, the smallest in area, the greatest in historic 
fame. Its former legal title was The State of 
Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, — the 
names of the two Colonies that united to form the 
Federal State. 

The name Rhode Island, or Isle of Rhodes was 
first applied in 1644 to the Island, called by the Nar- 
ragansett Indians, AquidnEck. Its earliest political 
value was the Colonial name of the two towns, Ports- 
mouth and Newport, in distinction from the Colony 
of Providence Plantations, at the head of the Nar- 
ragansett Bay. In this discussion, the name Rhode 
Island will be restricted to its early Colonial appli- 
cation as adopted by the General Court of Election 
of the two towns on the 13th of March, 1644. 

It is my purpose to show that the two towns, Ports- 
mouth and Newport, occupying at that time the whole 
territory of the Island of Rhode Island and consti- 
tuting the original Colony of Rhode Island, are en- 
titled to the honor and distinction of Primacy in the 
establishment of a pure Democracy, coupled with 
Soul Freedom in a well ordered Civil ^Magistracy. 



10 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

The physical area of this Commonwealth of high 
ideals was probably the smallest of the historic states 
of the world, its extreme length not exceeding sixteen 
miles and its breadth not over five miles. Its loca- 
tion on the Atlantic Coast line and its extensive land- 
locked harbor, gave its early planters an advantage in 
primitive commerce and fisheries which proved of 
great economic value. This Island, it may be noted, 
was first seen through European discovery, by John 
Verrazzano, who, skirting the New England Coast, 
in 1524, entered and explored the lower Narragansett 
Bay, calling the harbor and Island Refugio. 

At the settlement of the English Colonies in Massa- 
chusetts in 1620 and later, the lands within and ad- 
jacent to the Bay were styled the Narragansett 
Country. Those on the East and Northeast were 
occupied by the Wampanoag Indians, whose chief 
sachem, Massassoit, had his residence at Sowams, 
now Barrington, R. I. The islands in the Bay, in- 
cluding Aquidneck, and the lands on the West and 
Northwest of the Bay were occupied and owned by 
the Narragansetts. under the chiefs Canonicus and 
jNIiantonomi. 

It is an interesting fact that the most notable "livelie 
experiment" in the practical application of the doc- 
trines of civil and religious liberty in America or 
even in the world, should have been made in Rhode 
Island, — the smallest political unit on the Western 



The Birthplace of Soul Liberty. 11 

Hemisphere. Its microscopic size and great water 
area, as compared with the land, would seem to pre- 
clude the possibility of applying great principles of 
government and public policy to a sufficiently large 
body of people to secure a constituency large enough 
or discrete enough to try out any great question to 
any wise or ultimate conclusions. There were, how- 
ever, in the case of the early history of this little 
Colony, some peculiar facts that seem to upset any 
preconceived theory as to population or physical area. 

The first fact is a physical one and has a large 
value in favor of littleness. It is this, — Narragansett 
Bay and its tributaries trisect the area, separating the 
original settlements one from the other, thereby giv- 
ing to each an opportunity, as an independent entity, 
to work out its own problems in its own individual 
way. Portsmouth and Newport were isolated on the 
Island of Aquidneck, twenty miles from Providence 
and fifteen from Warwick, the fourth of the Colonial 
towns. When long journeys in boats, on rough 
waters, propelled by the manual of arms, are the only 
means of communication, men and women are liable 
to stay at home and in a wilderness country do a con- 
siderable amount of thinking on their new life, its 
conditions and how to make them more tolerable. 

Another fact appears in the personnel of the 
founders of the four Rhode Island towns. It is this 
— a great variety of types of men appear in these 



12 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

early settlements. Some Were mere adventurers, 
joining a migration with little of superior motives or 
large expectancy. Some were land hungry and saw 
in the Narragansett Country abundant areas for each 
house holder, like the landed estates of Old England. 
Some were ambitious to make homes for permanent 
family life. Some sought freedom from civil re- 
straint, — some an asylum for larger freedom than 
was granted in Fatherland and a sweeter expression 
of it than was exercised in Puritan Boston or even 
in Pilgrim Plymouth. 

Our definition of a state is a political community, 
organized under a distinct government, recognized 
and conformed to by the people as supreme. It is 
essential to a state that there be some sort of civil 
government accepted as valid by its members, who 
live in a common region or locality. Growing out 
of the family it has a natural basis in man's social 
nature and relations, and develops a form decided by 
its constituency, and a legal basis and standard of 
ultimate appeal, in essential rights and justice. 

The ideas of the men of the first half of the seven- 
teenth century, born of English, French or German 
stock, were no less broad and substantial. Plymouth, 
Massachusetts Bay and Connecticut Colonies were 
founded on these essential foundations, guaranteed 
by Royal Charters. The civil state was composed 
of a body of men and women, in general agreement 
in matters of faith and polity, with an intelligent 



The Birthplace of Soul Liberty. 13 

understanding of the relations of the individual to 
civil society. 

This communit}^ of persons adopts a charter, com- 
pact, or constitution, embracing the basic principles 
of the inchoate state, with conditions and limitations 
as to freemanship and citizenship, thereby establish- 
ing an official organization, — the state, — with all the 
functions and officials necessary for the institution 
of orderly government. This compact also defines 
the quality of the government, — be it ]\Ionarchy or 
Democracy, — and the various needs of local govern- 
ment, that conditions may require. It is of the utmost 
consequence that rules and laws be established for 
protecting the right of life, liberty, propert}' and repu- 
tation, and the immediate choice and installation of 
competent officials to attend to the execution of the 
laws, adopted by the body politic. 

These are some of the fundamental ideas of a 
state, — the germs of a commonwealth, — of the 
American type. In our body politic of Rhode Island 
we are to assume the founding of a Democratic state, 
with absolute freedom of opinion and action in re- 
ligious concerns. In our study of the state founded 
by Dr. John Clarke and his associates we shall find 
all the constituents above enumerated, incorporated 
into the institutions, laws, civil polity and adminis- 
trative operations of the towns and Colony of Rhode 
Island, on Aquidneck, years in advance of any other 
body politic in the world. 



14 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

CHAPTER II. 

The Puritan in the Making. 

Liberty is a very old word. It is found in all 
langxiages, but with different local meanings. Thomas 
Jefiferson framed the sentiment in our Declaration of 
Independence, that all men "arc endozved by their 
Creator zvitli certain inalienable rights; that among 
these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." 
The free exercise of the right of liberty has been 
greatly abridged in the life of the human race, as 
history records it, and, in multitudes of instances, 
both life and liberty have been ruthlessly trampled 
under foot and destroyed. The weak have been made 
the bond-servants of the strong, and body, mind and 
spirit have been enslaved to satisfy one or another of 
the ambitions or passions of the masterful classes 
among men. The story of "Man's inhumanity to 
man" is the burden of History. The shackles that 
have fettered the limbs have been oppressive and 
galling, but have never been so degrading and humil- 
iating as those which have bound the larger freedom 
of speech and of worship. 

The processes, by which people of various tongues 
have obtained larger and ever-increasing measures of 
liberty, constitute the warp and woof of His- 



The Puritan in the Making. 15 

tory. The struggle for body and soul-freedom has 
been ages long, — at one point and period successful, 
at others going down in defeat, but all the while the 
spirit of liberty has never been vanquished. 

"For Freedom's battle, once begun, 
Bequeathed by bleeding sire to son. 
Though baffled oft, is ever won." 

It is not the motive of the author nor the purpose 
of this Story to do more than give a single chapter 
of this world contest, — the culmination, in the later 
stages of the Evolution of Civilization, of two great 
manifestations of liberty. Civil and Religious, and 
their union in a modern Democratic state. Here 
and there among men, had each of the principles 
found expression and partial illustration — the result 
of vision by men and social orders. Prior to the 
English Revolution of the Seventeenth Century, how- 
ever, nowhere on the face of the earth and among 
civilized men, did civil and soul-liberty jointly exist. 
It's first clear, full, deliberate, organized and per- 
manent establishment in the world can now be dis- 
tinctly traced to the Colony of Rhode Island, on the 
island of Aquidneck, in Narragansett Bay, under the 
leadership and inspiration of Dr. John Clarke, the 
true Founder. 

In the evolution of modern Democracy, including 
soul-liberty, the three great nations of Western 
Europe, — Germany, France and England, — have 



16 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

been the chief actors, — Germany in the earlier stages, 
England in the later and France in both. Four 
events have signally advanced its progress. The 
first, and probably the most significant and far- 
reaching, was the first complete translation of the 
Bible into the English tongue, from the Vulgate, by 
Wyclif, about 1382. It is impossible, in our day, to 
appreciate the ardent reception of the Old and New 
Testament Scriptures by the \Vestern mind and heart. 
Hebrew history and theology were incorporated 
bodily into English thought and speech and, in the 
Puritan Period, Hebrew nomenclature was almost 
universally adopted, thus restoring patriarchal rela- 
tions and associations in family life. English liter- 
ature was enriched by the stories of the Hebrew Cap- 
tivity and Mosaic Deliverance. The Drama recited 
the heroic scenes of the Pentateuch, and Psalmody 
versified, in stumbling meter, the songs of ]\Iiriam, 
Deborah and Ruth and the Psalms of David. 

The Hebrew Republic, under Moses as it's great 
lawgiver, was a type for a modern state, while the 
teachings of Jesus and Paul taught the brotherhood 
of men, the fatherhood of God, and the standardiza- 
tion of human society on the basis of equality and 
fraternity, — the corner stones of Democracy. The 
Bible was the first and greatest guide the W'estern 
mind had ever had to lead it into the path of Liberty, 
with Jesus as its teacher. 



The Puritan in the Making. 17 

The second great event, in order of time, was the 
invention of the printing press, in Germany, about 
1440. Through its agency in multiplying books, — 
especially the Bible, — the Western world began to 
learn to read, in order that it might, for itself, under- 
stand the lively oracles of God. Bibles and religious 
books soon became cheap enough to be the property 
of every family. The hungry fed on the Bread of 
Life. The thirsty drank from its fountains. 

Martin Luther (1483-1546) was one of the mighty 
forces that reconstructed church and state in Ger- 
many and England, and more than that, as a bold 
advocate of reforms, temporal and spiritual, he set 
an example of independent thinking and utterance 
most salutary for his time. The century, from 1450 
to 1550, was remarkable in a great awakening of 
German and Anglo-Saxon to ethical and spiritual 
truth, and in the opening of the human mind to free- 
dom of thought and expression. It was the century 
of Discovery. Columbus gave Spain the sceptre of 
Western domain. Cabot enlarged the bounds of 
the New World on both Northern and Southern hori- 
zons, while Verazzano, an Italian, sailing under the 
French flag, explored the Northern Atlantic Coasts 
and penetrated the recesses of New York and Nar- 
ragansett Bays. 

While these European navigators were opening 
the doors of a New World, in the West, Copernicus, 



18 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

of German birth, the navigator of the Heavens, dis- 
covered and announced to the world the laws of 
planetary and stellar motion, — a new Heavens, — the 
correlate of the new Earth of Columbus and Amer- 
icus ^'espucius. 

With the fall of Constantinople, in 1453, Greek 
scholars fled to the West. A revival in letters, art 
and philosophy sprang up in Italy, France, England 
and Germany. South of the Alps, art flourished in 
the works of Michael Angelo, Titian, Correggio, Da 
Vinci and Raphael. North of the Alps, science, 
philosophy, social order, free institutions, law and 
religion gave character to the "New Learning." The 
age brought forth Sir Thomas More, Colet, Calvin, 
Knox, Melancthon, Zwingli and Sebastian Cas- 
tellio, 1515-1563, — the first great champion of a "free 
conscience," and of "Toleration in Religious Belief." 

The "New Learning" of the schools and univer- 
sities of England was passionately seized by the 
English mind. Students flocked to the seats of 
learning at Oxford. Cambridge and London, or, in 
humbler ways, found in the new literature of the 
day, satisfaction and delight in the revelations of 
ancient Greek or Latin philosophy, law, religion and 
gov'ernment. The last two subjects especially oc- 
cupied the thoughts of men, inasmuch as absolutism 
on the part of royalty had stirred the people into a 
conscious revolt against arbitrary and vicious acts in 



The Puritan in the Making. 19 

government, and the teachings of the Scriptures had 
Hberated the minds of the people from the ignorance 
and superstitions of the established church. 

In this age of "Wonderful Awakening" the Puritan 
was born. This new man was both Catholic and 
Protestant. As a Catholic, he accepted the great 
doctrines of the church as taught by the Fathers. His 
faith in God was complete. His belief in Justifica- 
tion, in Sanctification and in the mediatorial Sacri- 
fice could not be challenged. As a Protestant, he 
conceived the individual freedom of worship and 
the rights of the governed in the affairs of state. 
Magna Charter had a new meaning, in the light of 
the teachings of Jesus. The freeman and the free 
state became mental possibilities in the sixteenth 
century of English history. It was in this period 
of mental, spiritual and political agitation, the last 
half of this sixteenth century, — that brilliant epoch 
of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, — that the American 
Democracy also was born. This remarkable activity 
was both destructive and constructive. It destroyed 
absolutism in Church and State. It constructed a 
fabric of popular government, in which every man 
was both sovereign and subject in matters temporal 
and spiritual. The absolute freedom of the English 
subject in religious concernments was then set as the 
corner stone of a new political and spiritual edifice. 



20 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

The Rev. Robert Browne, founder of the Brown- 
ists, now the Congregationalists, (1584), thus defined 
the relationship of the church and state. "They (the 
magistrates) may doe nothing concerning the church, 
but onlie ciuill, and as ciuill magistrates ; that is, they 
haue not that authoritie ouer the church as to be 
prophetes or priestes, or spirituall kings, as they are 
magistrates ouer the same; but onlie to rule the com- 
mon wealth in all outward justice, to maintaine the 
right welfare and honor thereof with outward power, 
bodily punishment and ciuill forcing of men." This 
is a clear, bold utterance of a free conscience of a 
free church in a sovereign state. Again he writes: 
"Goe to, therefore, and the outward power and ciuill 
forcings let us leaue to the magistrates: to rule the 
common wealth in all outwarde justice, belongeth to 
them: but let the church rule in spiritual wise, and 
not in wordlie manner : by a liuelie lawe preached, 
and not by a ciuill law written." "For it is the con- 
science and not the power of man that will driue us 
to seeke the Lordes Kingdom." It is very obvious 
that Robert Browne taught the independence of 
church and state and in that doctrine taught also 
full liberty of the individual conscience in religion. 
This doctrine was also taught in a "Plea for Liberty 
of Conscience" by Leonard Busher. 1614, and by 
John IMurton in his two treatises against "Persecu- 
tion for Religion as Contrary to Divine and Human 
Testimonies," 1620. 



The Puritan in the Making. 21 

Briefly stated, the situation of aft'airs in England, 
as related to civil and religious matters at the opening 
of the seventeenth century, (1603), was as follows: 
The seventeenth century opened in the midst of the 
brilliant literary and philosophical period of English 
history, inaugurated by Queen Elizabeth, who had 
still further distinguished herself by a constant 
and firm control over the English church and 
state. James the First, ruler of England from 
1603 to 1625, asserted the theory of the divine 
right of kingship and episcopacy, in no degree relax- 
ing the laws on the statute books as to Puritan non- 
conformity. In 1607, a body of liberal Puritans 
called Separatists, emigrated to Holland and, in 1620, 
constituted the Plymouth Colony, which was char- 
tered by James to establish a government on the 
shores of Massachusetts Bay, — the first of the New 
England colonies founded on Democracy in govern- 
ment. 

England was divided politically into two hostile 
camps, — Royalist and Puritan. The Royalist was 
loyal to the King and the Church. He saw in both 
the safe-guard of all he held dear. He was a re- 
actionist, not a statesman. The heritage of Old 
England was to him of greater value than any pos- 
sible future could be. The King, the Court, the 
Church, the Prelacy were sacred organisms of God's 
making. He hated the words Freedom, Democracy, 
Toleration, as devices of the Devil, and would perse- 



22 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

cute and expel from the Kingdom as demons, all who 
cherished them. He belonged to the Aristocracy of 
learning, wealth, chivalry, luxury, and the love for 
woman. Religion was to him a form, not a sacra- 
ment. Life had no great ambitions. Death had no 
terrors for Cavalier or Red Cross Knight. 

"The Puritans," says Macaulay, "were the most 
remarkable body of men, perhaps, which the world 
has ever produced." Religion was their chief con- 
cern and business. It was an integral element of 
their daily life. Political matters were religious 
matters. The liberal Puritan stood for freedom in 
personal rights, freedom in civil concerns, freedom 
in faith. The Bible was his guide and teacher in 
things temporal and things spiritual. Samuel Gor- 
ton, one of the founders of Warwick, writing of him- 
self, says, "/ yearned for a country zvliere I could be 
free to zvorship God according to zvhat the Bible 
taught me, as God enabled me to understand it. I 
left my native country (England) to enjoy liberty of 
Conscience in respect to faith tozvard God and for no 
other end." This "yearning" was the possession of 
the body of English Puritans, not the exclusive ex- 
ercise by a few. The right to worship God as con- 
science dictated was a soul right, by creation, — not 
man-given. No royal edict proclaimed it. No royal 
edict could curtail it. The new religion and the 
teachings of the new Bible taught it. Jesus was its 
great expounder in the Gospels and Paul in the 



The Puritan in the Making. 23 

Epistles. The great body of martyrs, who suffered 
at the stake, bore testimony to their love for spiritual 
liberty. Of great Englishmen, standing in the fore 
front of the battle, in defence of civil and soul free- 
dom, were John Hampden, gentleman, Sir Harry 
Vane, scholar, Oliver Cromwell, soldier and states- 
man. These great souls were types of the great 
historic life, in which they were leaders, in the contest 
for soul liberty on English soil. The Puritan age of 
England and America, the seventeenth century, was 
an age of great religious faith, an age of heroic in- 
dependences, an age of over-masterful longing for 
freedom of worship and the severance of the church 
and secular governments. The individualistic man 
had come to demand his rightful kingdom and king- 
ship. The crown was the rightful property of the 
real Koenig, — the man of kingly character. The 
tragic end of Charles the Eirst proved to the world 
that the king could do wrong to his subjects, and that 
the sacredness of the regal throne was no cloak to 
conceal the crime and no barrier to protect from its 
punishment. The elevation of the great commoner, 
Cromwell, was added proof that the men behind the 
guns and the ploughs were the real rulers of the state. 
Out of all that political, social, civil, religious unrest 
has come stable, constitutional government, a just 
respect for law, a material prosperity unbounded and 
an expanding civilization which dominates not only 
the North American continent, but wields a powerful 
and a moulding influence in old-world governments. 



24 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

Of those Pilgrims who came to New England, 
Mrs. Hemans asks, 

"What sought they this afar? 
Bright jewels of the mine? 
The wealth of seas? 
The spoils of war? 
They sought a faith's pure shrine." 

"Aye call it holy ground 

The place where first they trod, 
They have left unstained what there they found 
Freedom to worship God." 

The fact cannot be too strongly emphasized, that 
the cardinal doctrines of the Puritan body in England 
were the overturning '^f arbitrary kingly authority, 
a large measure of freedom for the average man in 
civil affairs and conscience liberty for all men. For 
these and their allied privileges, they stood as the de- 
fenders in the great struggle with Charles I. All 
believed that a man's conscience as to religion was 
not subject to the laws of the State, as his conduct 
was. All thought that a man ought to be free to 
worship God as he pleased, provided he did not in- 
terfere with the rights of his neighbors. All believed 
in "a church without a Bishop, a state without a 
King." All migrated or were banished "on account 
of their dangerous and pernicious doctrine," so that 
when they came to dwell on the shores of a New 
World they were all in a true sense exiles for liberty's 



The Puritan in the Making. 25 

sake, standing on the same plat from as to civil and 
religious matters. Hume says, "The precious spark 
of liberty was preserved by the Puritans alone." Mac- 
auley writes of them, "The Puritans were persecuted 
with cruelty worthy of the Holy Office. They were 
forced to f\y from the country. They were im- 
prisoned. They were whipped. Their ears were cut 
oflf. Their noses were slit. Their cheeks were 
branded with red-hot iron. But the cruelty of the 
oppressor could not tire out the fortitude of the vic- 
tims." * * * "The hardy sect grew up and flourished 
in spite of everything that seemed likely to stunt it, 
struck its roots deep into a barren soil, and spread its 
branches wide to an inclement sky." 

In this Story of Dr. John r*--- ikZ of AouidnEck 
we have to deal with Puritans and Pilgrims, — men 
and women of the most profound and settled convic- 
tions and of broad vision, who emigrated from Old 
England to New England to make homes, to found 
a civil State on the basis of Dempcracy, with absolute 
individual freedom in matters of Faith and Worship. 




26 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 



CHAPTER III. 
Religious Liberty — Conscience Liberty. 

The terms Freedom, Liberty, Religious Liberty or 
Soul Liberty and Liberty of Conscience are in fre- 
quent use by the writers of the sixteenth and seven- 
teenth centuries. The first two are generic and 
synonymous. The others are particular, relating to 
specific and well defined areas of thought and ex- 
perience. Liberty of Conscience is a broad term, 
inclusive of all matters in the domain of Ethics. It 
is subjective rather than objective. It is a state, not 
a relation. It rests on the inalienable right of belief 
or faith and is another name for convictions or the 
moral sense. Our convictions are inward posses- 
sions, and, if unexpressed by word or deed, are be- 
yond the knowledge of other than the possessor and 
beyond question by any. My conscience may say 
there is no God and that I am under no obligation to 
a Supreme Being. It may deny the immortality of 
the Soul or the reward of right action and the punish- 
ment of wrong doing. I\Iy conscience may approve 
of the liquor traffic. It may lead me to oppose or- 
ganized government and the ordinances of the civil 
magistrate. I am at full liberty to hold and cherish 



Rei^igious Liberty — Conscience Liberty 27 

any or all of these convictions. If I give no expres- 
sion to these ideas, I am safe from criticism or re- 
straint. I may be a thief, an adulterer, a murderer, 
in thought, motive or conviction, but I am not amen- 
able to the law unless I steal or take the life of a 
fellow. My conscience may tell me that I ought to 
drown my child to appease the Gods and save my own 
soul, but society cannot question my moral judgment 
until I commit the act or teach the doctrine. This is 
liberty as to conscience. 

But what will civil society say today, if I utter my 
convictions in the ears of my fellow men? It will 
say this. If my beliefs as to civic principles and 
policies run counter to the majority of the society 
around me and are subversive of the civil organism — 
the state, — I am liable and justly responsible to such 
society for judgment on the same. If the state re- 
gards my opinions as subversive of its principles and 
a threat to its life, it would be strangely delinquent 
in its obligations to its founders and foundations, 
not to restrain my acts and the public expression of 
my opinions, however honest and conscientious I may 
be in their expression. Differences of opinion as to 
human conduct, laws and civil administration, must 
and always will exist, but such differences among men 
are often only differing viewpoints that do not reach 
the domain of conscience per se, much less the 
narrower but higher realm in matters of per- 
sonal religion and worship where the religious co-^ 



28 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

science holds sway. As between man and man, in- 
dividual right of conscience or the moral sense is 
supreme within the bounds of reason. As between 
man and society and civil government a limitation 
must be made as to authority and a sharp line of dem- 
ocration drawn as to two supreme facts, — the human 
soul and God. These — the soul and God — live apart, 
in a superior world, under higher than human laws, 
within the most sacred Holy of Holies of man's being. 
In this relationship, absolute freedom of action and 
of sentiment must exist, and over it civil authority 
can have no legitimate control. iSlan can say to the 
magistrate, "Hitherto shalt thou come but no far- 
ther." Soul-liberty and worship is man's castle, 
which no human being, no court of justice, no magis- 
trate, no law, no civil state, no high potentate can 
enter with impunity, without human consent. God, 
the soul, worship, natural and revealed religion, faith, 
prayer, all spiritual beliefs as to time and eternity are 
the subject matter of soul-liberty. This is the realm 
of Religious Liberty, Soul Liberty, Spiritual Liberty. 
With Madame Roland we cry out, "O Liberty, Lib- 
erty, how many crimes are committed in thy name!" 
Liberty cannot descend to the realm of license to 
justify illegal or immoral acts. The Decalogue is 
recognized as a Divine Instrument. I cannot set up 
conscience liberty in justification of Sabbath-break- 
ing, profanity or adultery. The State licenses the 
sale of intoxicants. I disbelieve in the policy and dis- 
claim participation in the legislation, thereby keeping 



Religious Liberty — Conscience Liberty 29 

a clean conscience in the full enjoyment of my civic 
liberty. Public policy is state-craft wherein, in a 
Democracy, the majority-rule becomes the law of all 
the people who accept its protection and its provisions. 
The civic conscience may enter its protest or ap- 
proval, but in no sense is the doctrine of Soul or Re- 
ligious Liberty traversed. 

John Locke, (1632-1704) in his "Letters on Tol- 
eration/' restricts and defines "The Jurisdiction of 
the Magistrate, excluding it from the regulation of 
public worship or the control of religious beliefs, ex- 
cept so far as such worship or beliefs may interfere 
with the ends of civil government." "The provinces 
of a Church and a Commonwealth are distinct and 
separate and easily well defined. The bounds are 
absolute." "As to speculative opinions, tenets and 
practices of any religious community, the civil mag- 
istrate has no right of restraint." Locke declared, 
"No opinions contrary to human society, or to those 
moral rules which are necessary to human society, are 
to be tolerated by the magistrate." "Religious or- 
thodox persons, who claim for themselves any 
peculiar privileges or power above others in civil con- 
cernments, or who, upon any pretense of religion or 
morality, challenge any manner of authority over 
others not of their faith, have no right to be tolerated 
by the magistrate as those that will not own and 
teach the duty of tolerating all men in matters of 
mere religion." "Those are not to be tolerated who 



30 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

deny the being of God. Promises, covenants and 
oaths which are the bonds of human society, can 
have no hold on an atheist. The taking away of 
God, though but even in thought, dissolves all." 

The Lord Proprietors of North Carolina, in 1663, 
thus defined Religious Liberty for its citizens: "We 
will grant, in as ample manner as undertakers shall 
desire, freedom and liberty of conscience in all re- 
ligious or spiritual things and to be kept inviolably 
with them, we having power in our charter to do so." 
This Declaration was modified by the charter of 
Charles the Second, 1665. "No person or persons 
unto whom such liberty shall be given (i. e. who can- 
not join the Church of England) shall be any way 
molested, punished, disquieted, or called in question, 
for any differences in opinion, or practice in matters 
of religious concernments, who do not actually dis- 
turb the civil peace of the province, county or colony 
that they shall make their abode in. But all and 
every such person and persons may, from time to 
time, and at all times, freely and quietly have and 
enjoy his and their judgments and consciences, in 
matters of religion, throughout all the said province 
or colony, they behaving themselves peaceably, and 
not using this liberty to licentiousness, nor to the 
civil injury or outward disturbance of others." 

The following limitations were declared in 1669: 
"No man can be a freeman of Carolina or have an 



Religious Liberty — Conscience Liberty 31 

estate or habitation within it that doth not acknowl- 
edge a God ; and that God is publicly and solemnly 
worshipped." "No person whatsoever shall speak 
anything in their religious assembly irreverently or 
seditiously of the government, the governors, or of 
state matters." 

A revision of the North Carolina constitution in 
1876 thus defines Religious Liberty: "All men have 
a natural and unalienable right to worship Almighty 
God according to the dictates of their own conscience 
and no human authority should, in any case what- 
soever interfere with the right of conscience." As 
the Carolinas were founded by John Locke and his 
Disciples it is of interest to note the interpretation 
given to Religious Liberty by that school of phi- 
losophy. 

The Bill of Rights of INlassachusetts, adopted in 
1780, defines and limits Religious Liberty as follows: 

"Art. L All men are born free and equal, and have 
certain natural, essential, and unalienable rights; 
among which may be reckoned the right of enjoying 
and defending their lives and liberties; that of ac- 
quiring, possessing, and protecting property; in fine, 
that of seeking and obtaining their safety and happi- 
ness. 

"Art. II. It is the right as well as the duty of all 
men in society, publicly, and at stated seasons to wor- 
ship the Supreme Being, the great Creator and Pre- 
server of the Universe. And no subject shall be 



32 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

hurt, molested, or restrained in his person, liberty, 
or estate, for worshipping God in the manner and 
season most agreeable to the dictates of his own 
conscience: or for his religious profession of senti- 
ments ; provided he doth not disturb the public peace, 
or obstruct others in their religious worship." 

The Maryland Constitution of 1776 is quite in 
keeping with the statutes of other states. 

"Art. 36. That as it is the duty of every man to 
worship God in such manner as he thinks most 
acceptable to Him, all persons are equally entitled to 
protection in their religious liberty: wherefore no 
person ought, by any law to be molested in his person 
or estate, on account of his religious persuasion or 
profession, or for his religious practice, unless, under 
the color of religion, he shall disturb the good order, 
peace or safety of the state, or shall infringe the 
laws of morality, or injure others in their natural, 
civil or religious rights." 

A careful study of these constitutional provisions 
as to Religious Liberty shows that full protection is 
assured to the citizenship in matters of religious faith 
and worship, with the proviso that no person can, 
"under the color of religion," or right of Conscience, 
"disturb the good order, peace or safety of the State," 
or "injure others in their natural, civil or religious 
rights." By these fixed standards we may measure 
the claims of those who may worthily and rightfully 
wear the honor of Founders of Religious Liberty. 



Boston, The School of Rhode Island. 33 



CHAPTER IV. 

Boston, the Prepar.\tory School of a Free 
Commonwealth in Rhode Island. 

The Colonization of Noi'th America, in the seven- 
teenth century, found its source and inspiration in 
the love of and the demand for a larger measure of 
civil and religious freedom than was then possessed 
by the English people. Personal liberty was a strong 
passion of the Anglo-Saxon race and mind. The 
great middle class of British subjects had absorbed 
the doctrines of the Reformation and their minds had 
become thoroughly saturated with the teachings and 
idealism of the Old and New Testament Scriptures, 
including the Apocrypha. With the introduction of 
the Bible, the homes of the common English people 
became a school of religious and of theologic discus- 
sion. The history and doctrines of the Bible were 
matters of daily converse at the fireside, on the street, 
in the market places and in politics. The children 
were baptized into Hebrew names. Large portions 
of the Bible were committed to memory. Moses, 
David, Isaiah, Jesus and Paul were familiar char- 
acters of daily study. The Bible was not only ac- 



34 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

cepted as a guide in personal religion and human 
rights, but as a great text book of literature, often 
the only book in the family. Its leading stories were 
dramatized and made real and popular to the mind 
and heart. 

It is no wonder then that civil freedom became the 
waking dream of common English folks and that 
freedom in thought and worship, as revealed in the 
New Testament, should become the earnest desire of 
a people, newly-born into the life of the Spirit. 
Democracy was now esteemed a divine right of the 
Commons, as Monarchy had been and was then re- 
garded by the Aristocracy as the divine right of the 
King. The right of the people to choose their own 
rulers and make their own laws was only a harking 
back to the days before the W'itenagemot when man- 
hood was sovereignty. These Britons did not need 
to study the Democracy of the Greek Agora and of 
the Roman Forum, for their own fathers had prac- 
tised in that school in the forests of Germany and on 
the shores of the North Sea. As to soul-liberty, the 
most sacred and inalienable of human rights, every 
sword of persecution drawn and every fagot lighted 
at the stake was the harsh protest of tyranny against 
the essential truth that the soul of man must ever be 
free to choose, love and worship. 

John Fiske says of the Puritans: "Their principal 
reason for coming to New England was their dis- 



Boston, The School of Rhode Island. 35 

satisfaction with the way in which affairs were 
managed in the old country. They wished to bring 
about a reform in the church, in such wise that the 
members of a congregation should have more voice 
than formerly in the church government and that the 
minister of each congregation should be more inde- 
pendent than formerly of the bishop and civil govern- 
ment. * * * Finding the resistance to their reforms 
quite formidable in England, and having some reason 
to fear that they might be themselves crushed in the 
struggle, they crossed the ocean in order to carry out 
their ideas in a new and remote country, where they 
might be comparatively secure from interference." 
Another soul-compelling motive in the Colonization 
of New England was the spread of the Gospel and 
the conversion of the heathen. In "The Conclusions 
for Nezv England." as prepared by Mr. John Win- 
throp, in 1629, is the following consideration: "3. It 
is the revealed will of God that the Gospel should be 
preached to all nations and though we know not 
whether these barbarians (the Indian tribes) will 
receive it at first or noe, yet it is a good worke to serve 
God's providences in offering it to them." It is clear 
that the whole body of the early Pilgrims was moved, 
first and foremost by a deep religious sentiment, 
thereby constituting the whole body of emigrants a 
missionary migration for saving the Indian Races 
through Christ for Christianity. 



36 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

The English men and women who first made homes 
on Narragansett Bay came through the jNIassachu- 
setts Bay Colony, and made their first acquaintance 
with New England, in and around Salem and Boston, 
subsequent to Sept., 1628. A few were men of some 
property. Most were from the yeoman class, able to 
read and write. All claimed to be Puritans of vary- 
ing degrees, from Brownists to professed adherents 
of the "dear mother-Church of England, even ac- 
knowledging that such hope and part as we have 
obtained in the common salvation we have received 
in her bosom and sucked it from her breasts." 

Among those who were the leaders and the most 
influential in determining the character of the groups 
of settlements on Narragansett Bay and in directing 
their civil and religious policies were William Cod- 
dington, Roger Williams, William Harris, Samuel 
Gorton, William and Anne Hutchinson, William 
Arnold, John Coggeshall, Nicholas Easton, Chad 
Brown and John Clarke. To these we may add the 
names of Governor John \Mnthrop and Rev. John 
Wilson, minister of the First Church in Boston, as 
influential factors of the Bay Colony in establishing 
conditions leading to the exclusion of the citizenship 
that founded Rhode Island. It is well worth our 
while to note a few antecedent facts relative to several 
of these persons, on whose later beliefs and acts our 
historic conclusions are based. 



Boston, The School of Rhode Island. 37 

As Old England was the mother land of New 
England, so was Boston in Massachusetts Bay Colony 
the mother of the towns of Portsmouth and Newport 
in Rhode Island Colony, in that for several years 
most of the founders of the Rhode Island towns had 
had their homes and their training in civil govern- 
ment in Boston, and out of a great movement in that 
town for religious freedom had arisen the spirited 
leaders for religious freedom in a new civil state. 

William Coddington came from England on the 
ship Arbella with John Winthrop, Sir Richard Sal- 
tonstall, Isaac Johnson and his wife Lady Arbella, 
reaching Salem Harbor, Mass., June 12, 1630, in 
company with a fleet of ten other ships and 700 pas- 
sengers, 200 of whom returned to England on the 
vessels which brought them, on account of the dis- 
couraging outlook for the colonists. That his home 
was at Boston, England, appears from the record 
that Archbishop Laud had silenced Rev. John Cotton, 
the minister of the church at Boston, and fined, for 
non-conformity, his leading supporters, William Cod- 
dington and Richard Bellingham, prior to 1629. 
William Coddington was born in Lincolnshire, 
England, 1601, of a well-to-do family. As this part 
of England was the centre of the Pilgrim uprising, 
it is probable that Mr. Coddington imbibed and ac- 
cepted in vouth the more liberal views of that section, 
and at the age of twenty-nine, with his wife, Mary 
Moselev, came to New England. Before setting sail 



38 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

from England, April 8, 1630, the "Farewell Letter" 
of the whole company (more than eight hundred 
souls), signed b}' John Winthrop, William Codding- 
ton, Thomas Dudley, Isaac Johnson and Richard 
Saltonstall, was addressed to "The Reverend Fathers 
and Brothers" of the English Church from which 
they were now to part. Nothing, in the annals of 
New England or Old, can be found more tender or 
more noble than this letter, furnishing the key note 
of the whole enterprise and illustrating the character 
and spirit of those engaged in it. 

At a meeting of the Governor and Assistants at 
Southampton, England, March 18, 1629-30, William 
Coddington was chosen an Assistant to the Governor, 
with Mr. Simon Bradsteet, an office to which he was 
annually elected until 1637. He was chosen as 
Treasurer of the Massachusetts Bay Colony in 1634, 
holding that office for two years, when, in 1636, he 
was again elected as an Assistant, holding that office 
or a Deputyship in the General Court until March 12, 
1637-8 when he, with INIr. John Coggeshall, William 
Baulston, Edward Hutchinson, Samuel Wilbour, 
John Porter, John Compton, Henry Ball, Philip Sher- 
man, William Freeborn, and Richard Carder "having 
license to depart," left the Bay Colony to establish 
a new colony on the shores of Narragansett Bay. 

During the eight years of Mr. Coddington's resi- 
dence in Boston he was a merchant, successful in 



Boston, The School of Rhode Island. 39 

business and popular as a citizen and magistrate. 
His fair estate, probably equal to that of Governor 
Winthrop, enabled him to erect the first brick house 
in Boston. In 1635, a committee was chosen to 
bound land for farms for William Coddington and 
Edmund Quincy at Mount Wollaston, now Quincy, 
Mass. 

The first town records of Boston, dated Sept. 1, 
1634, give the names of the Town Council as fol- 
lows: John Winthrop, William Coddington, John 
Underbill, Thomas Oliver, Thomas Leverett, Giles 
Farnum, John Coggeshall, William Pierce, Robert 
Harding and William Brenton. Four of these town 
officers became residents of Aquidneck. Of the 
Town Council of Boston in the year 1636, six, one- 
half the whole number, were to become associate 
founders of Newport. Their names were William 
Hutchinson, John Coggeshall, John Sanford, William 
Aspinwall, William Brenton and William Baulston. 
In 1635, Mr. Coddington was on Committee on Mili- 
tary Affairs and in 1636 was made a Justice in Courts. 

The First Church of Boston was formed at Charles- 
town, Mass., Aug. 27, 1640. On its rolls are to be 
found the names of William Coddington, Mary, his 
wife, Nathaniel Woodward, Margaret Skeele, Anne 
Essex and Anne Dorryfall, "four servants to our 
brother William Coddington." Other names of 
members of the First Church of Boston, whom we 



40 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

shall meet later at Aquidneck, were William Aspin- 
wall, wife Elizabeth and servant Robert Parker, 
Robert Harding, W'illiam Baulston and wife and ser- 
vant Elizabeth Chalmers, Edward Hutchinson and 
wife Sarah, Samuel Wilbour and wife Anne, John 
Coggeshall, wife IMarie and servants Anne Shelley 
and Judith Garnett, Edward Hutchinson, Jr. and wife 
Katharine, William Hutchinson, wife Anne and 
Richard, Francis, Bridget and Faith, their children, 
William Brenton, wife Dorothy and servants Anne 
Nidds, Sir Harry \"ane, William Dyer, wife Mary, 
John Sanford, Thomas Savage and others. 

John Coggeshall was born in Essex County, 
England, in 1591, and at the time of the Puritan 
exodus was a silk merchant. In 1632 he with thirty- 
two others signed the oath of allegiance "being about 
to depart for New England" and sailed within a day 
or two, with his wife Mary and children, John, Joshua 
and Ann, in the ship Lyon, which arrived at Boston, 
Sept. 16, 1632. He was made a freeman of the Bay 
Colony in 1632, and was chosen Deacon of the First 
Church. He was a selectman of the town of Boston 
in 1634 and a Deputy in the General Court 1634-5-6-7 
and held several other offices in the town of Boston. 
On Nov. 2, 1637, he was removed from the office of 
Deputy for affirming that Rev. John Wheelwright 
of Boston was innocent of the charges made and that 
he was persecuted for holding to the truth. At the 



Boston, The School of Rhode Island. 41 

same time he was disfranchised and warned not to 
speak anything to disturb the public peace on pain 
of banishment. 

Nicholas Easton, born in Lymington, England, 
1593, came to New England with wife, Christian and 
two sons, Peter and John, in 1634, settling first in 
Newbury and later in Boston. Nov. 20, 1637, he 
and others were warned to deliver up all guns, 
pistols, swords, shot, etc., because "the opinions and 
revelations of Mr. Wheelwright and Mrs. Hutchin- 
son have seduced and led into dangerous error many 
of the people here in New England." 

John Clarke was born Oct. 8, 1609, in Westhorpe, 
Suffolk Co. He w^as unusually well educated for 
his time, although we have no record of his school 
or college life. He styled himself "a physician of 
London," and in his will he gives to his dear friend, 
Richard Bailey, his Hebrew and Greek books, also a 
Concordance and Lexicon written by himself, the 
fruit of several years' study. He married Elizabeth, 
daughter of John Harges of Bedfordshire, but left 
no issue. In 1652, Dr. Clarke published in London 
a book styled "III Nerves from Nezv England" in 
which he introduced the substances of a tract issued 
in 1651, touching New England and particularly 
Rhode Island, in which he discourses on the occasion 
of his going out with others from Massachusetts 
Bay. As this record of Dr. Clarke is the first re- 



42 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

liable statement of a participant in the events he re- 
lates, it is worthy of special attention. "In the year 
1637 I left my native land, and in the ninth month of 
the same, I (through mercy) arrived in Boston. I 
was no sooner on shore, but there appeared to me 
diflerences among them touching the covenants, and 
in points of evidencing a man's good estate, some 
prest hard for the Covenant of works, and for sancti- 
fication to be the first and chief evidences; others 
prest as hard for the Covenant of grace that was 
established upon better promises, and for the evidence 
of the spirit, as that which is a more certain, constant 
and satisfactory witness. I thought it not strange to 
see men differ about matters of Heaven, for I expect 
no less upon Earth. But to see that they were not 
able so to bear with others in their different under- 
standings and consciences, as in these uttermost parts 
of the world to live peaceably together, whereupon I 
moved the latter, for as much as the land was before 
us and wide enough with the profer of Abraham to 
Lot, and for peace sake, to turn aside to the right 
hand or to the left. The motion was readily accepted 
and I was requested with some others to seek out 
a place." 

William Arnold and his descendants have cut a 
large figure in the history of our state. William I, 
son of Thomas, of England, was born in Dorset 
County, England, June 24, 1587. His wife was 
Christian Peak. He sailed from England with his 



Boston, The School of Rhode Island. 43 

family May 1, 1635 and landed in New England June 
24, 1635. According to the records of his son Bene- 
dict, who was Governor of Rhode Island for ten 
years, between 1663 and 1679, Mr. Arnold and his 
family came to Providence April 20, 1636, at least 
two months in advance of Roger Williams. In 1638 
he became the first settler at Pawtuxet, present War- 
wick, and was one of the twelve first members of the 
Baptist church at Providence, 1639. 

Samuel Gorton was born at Gorton, Lancaster 
County, England, 1592 and died at the ripe age of 85, 
in Warwick, P. I. His occupation in England was 
that of a clothier. He arrived at Boston with his 
wife Elizabeth and children, March, 1637, spent a 
year or two at Boston and Plymouth, and joined the 
Portsmouth settlement, April 30, 1639. His religious 
training was received in the English church. In an 
address to Charles the Second he wrote, "I drew my 
tenets from the breast of my mother, the Church of 
England." While he ever held firmly to her doc- 
trines, yet in practice he was a conscientious Non- 
conformist. Mr. Gorton was one of the best educated 
men of the New England Colonies, having been 
taught by able tutors in preparation for the clergy, 
pursuing a thorough classical education and becoming 
an accomplished scholar, skilled in the languages and 
learned in English law. His library contained "the 
standard volumes in which the ancient statutes were 
written." In law, politics and theology Mr. Gorton 



44 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

was a thorough student and his writings show him 
to be a logical thinker and a sharp debater. He was 
an able defender of the rights of the people in a civil 
state and advocated full provisions for a liberal edu- 
cation for all, "not scrupling any civil ordinance for 
the education, ordering or governing of any civil 
state." His wealth probably exceeded that of any 
other settler in the Narragansett Bay towns. 

Mr. Williams' opinion of him was expressed thus: 
"Master Gorton, having abused high and low at 
Aquidneck, is now bewitching and bemadding poor 
Providence, both with his unclean and foul censures 
of all the minsters of this country and also denying 
all visible and external ordinances in the depths of 
familism." 

Mackie writes another view of Mr. Gorton : "He 
was one of the noble spirits who esteemed liberty 
more than life, and, counting no sacrifice too great 
for the maintenance of principle, could not dwell at 
ease in a land where the inalienable rights of human- 
ity were not acknowledged or were mocked at." "I 
left my native country," he said, "to enjoy liberty of 
conscience in respect to faith toward God and for 
no other end." 

Samuel G. Arnold, the historian, held Gorton in 
high esteem. He says, " He was one of the most re- 
markable men that ever lived. His career furnishes 
an apt illustration of the radicalism in action which 



Boston, The School of Rhode Island. 45 

may spring from ultra conservatism in theory." * * * 
"His astuteness of mind and his Bibical learning 
made him a formidable opponent of the Puritan hier- 
archy, while his ardent love of liberty, when it was 
once' guaranteed, caused him to embrace with fervor 
the principles that gave origin to Rhode Island." 

These men and their associates had assisted in lay- 
ing the foundations of the ancient town of Boston, 
some of them from its beginning, in 1630. As most 
of the founders of Aquidneck were members of the 
First Church of Boston, it may be safely assumed 
that they were a people of godly walk and conversa- 
tion,— not mischief makers nor disturbers of the 
peace of the town. That they intended to make 
Boston their permanent home is evident from the 
fact of land ownership, erection of comfortable 
houses, clearing the land, laying out and planting 
gardens, etc. As already stated. Mr. Coddington 
shared the highest honors of the Bay Colony with 
Governor Winthrop. John Endicott, and others of 
the first rank. Their wives set the standard of social 
and intellectual life of the town. We imagine that 
popular amusements were few and that the household 
duties of housewives in a new town in a wilderness 
were most laborious and engrossing, yet, we must be- 
lieve that quiltings and afternoon teas did afford 
privileges of social acquaintance and true fellowship 
quite as substantial and soul-satisfying as more 
elaborate, costly and fashionable modes of social m- 



46 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

tercourse of the twentieth century, in the metropolis 
of New England. While it was a day of small be- 
ginnings in the homes, in town afifairs and in Colony 
interests, it is fair to conclude that the men and 
women and children of Boston, in 1630-38, had their 
hands full of hard work, their minds full of thoughts 
and new contrivings and their hearts full of human 
interest and achievement. This school in the wilder- 
ness, on the shores of Massachusetts Bay, was a grand 
preparation, through experience, hardship, discipline, 
courage, faith, for later and more vigorous duties 
and responsibilities awaiting them below the horizon 
of their daily vision and expectation, in a new field 
of action. 

But pioneer life in Boston had more serious and 
important functions than the daily ministries of home 
and communal duties. The founding of a town, in 
a new land, on new lines, was no easy task for men 
of the common mould, coming from manors, hamlets, 
towns and counties, centuries old. ^Municipal gov- 
ernment, fitted to a new social and civic order, re- 
quired knowledge of public affairs, organizing ability, 
executive force, wise and prudent councilling. A 
new and untried principle, — majority rule, — was the 
keynote of the new community at Boston. Coupled 
with it was the Puritan ideal of religious freedom, as 
yet an infantile thing in swaddling clothes. No one 
dared to remove the bands, lest its expanding life 
would usurp undue proportions and functions. Here 



Boston, The School of Rhode Island. 47 

were problems of statecraft so large in their possi- 
bilities that they involved the foundations of the State 
and the Nation. It is not a figure of speech to state 
that the Massachusetts Bay Colony, the New England 
Compact and the United States of America had their 
birth in the civil constitutions and administrations of 
Plymouth and Boston. Was it not De TocqueviUe 
who said that the orderly town government of Boston 
and Dorchester had exercised a "most prodigious in- 
fluence" on the history of New England? 

At the outset, Boston people set up housekeeping 
and town-keeping together, and in the latter they 
showed great wisdom as well as skill in the selection 
of their magistrates. Their officials in the order of 
their choice, if not their rank, were selectmen, town 
clerk, town treasurer, constables, surveyor of high- 
wavs', pound keeper, hog-reeve, water bailiff, town 
recorder, town crier, etc. Among institutions of a 
public nature were the meeting house, which in that 
early dav was also the town house, the stocks, the 
pillory, the whipping post, a house of correction, the 
gallows. 

The judiciary of the town was vested in the Court 
of Assistants, the Governor presiding. It is a fact 
of great interest that the first recorded act of the 
Boston court was to decide "How the ministers should 
be maintained," when it was ordered that houses 
should be built for them with convenient speed, at 



48 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

the public charge. William Coddington was a mem- 
ber of this court from 1630 until his departure from 
Boston in 1638. In 1634, of the ten selectmen or 
townsmen, the governing board in town affairs, Wil- 
liam Coddington, John Coggeshall, Robert Harding 
and William Brenton were members. 

In 1636, William Hutchinson, John Coggeshall, 
John Sanford, William Aspinwall, William Brenton, 
William Balston, constituted one-half the legislative 
and executive body of the town, and all later organ- 
izers of the towns of Portsmouth or Newport or both. 
In the Colonial General Court, Aquidneck had the 
honor of having William Coddington and Gen. 
Thomas Savage as assistants to the Governor. As 
Representatives to the General Court of the Bay 
Colony were \Villiam Hutchinson, John Coggeshall, 
William Brenton, Harry \'ane, William Coddington 
and William Aspinwall. 

The Representatives and Selectmen of the town, as 
the uniform custom of New England was, were 
chosen from the citizens of the highest standing. 
They exercised very considerable powers and enjoyed 
the confidence of the community. They were chosen 
by the free vote of the governed, and it is evident, 
from many sources, that they were the recognized 
leaders of the town of Boston. As such, they studied 
the problems of communal life, as presented in a new 
country, under strangely new conditions, with a 
savage environment. 



Boston, The School of Rhode Island. 49 

A close study of the town records of Boston shows 
how intimately the settlers of Aquidneck were re- 
lated to all the business and ofificial services of the 
town. It appears that in every office, major or minor, 
of the town, some one of the Rhode Island men was 
chosen for its fulfillment. Let me note a few in- 
stances, with a bill of particulars. 

John Coggeshall was a silk merchant in Boston. 
He was made a freeman in 1632, being then forty-one 
years of age. In 1634, he joined the First Church 
of Boston and was elected a deacon, holding the office 
until his removal to Aquidneck. In 1634, he gave 
£5 towards the sea fort. The same year he was 
chosen one of the overseers of powder, shot, etc. 
1634, he was elected a selectman of Boston. 1634- 
5-6-7, he was elected a deputy from Boston in The 
General Court of The Bay Colony. 1635, Mar. 4, 
he and others were authorized to board vessels after 
twenty-four hours at anchor, take notice of what 
commodities they had to sell, confer about price, etc. 
1636, May 25, he was appointed on a committee to 
make a rate for tax levied on the towns. 

1630, William Coddington became a merchant of 
Boston, and, having ample means, built the first brick 
dwelling in Boston at the very centre of the town, 
near the site of the present City Hall, between it and 
Washington Street. In addition to the high posi- 
tions of Assistant, 1630-1-2-3-4-5-6-7, and Colonial 
Treasurer of The Bay Colony, after an absence of 



50 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

two years in London, he was chosen as an overseer of 
bridge building, was one of the Committee on Military 
Affairs of the Colony and in 1636 was chosen as a 
Judge of the County Court of Boston and adjoining 
towns. 

William Brenton, in 1634, the same year he was 
made a Freeman, was chosen to oversee the building 
of a House of Correction at Boston. He was a Se- 
lectman for Boston, 1634-5-6-7. In 1635, he was 
appointed on a Committee to consider the act of Mr. 
John Endicott of Salem in defacing the flag by cut- 
ting out the Cross. The same year, he was to fur- 
nish, "at the public charge," all that which is neces- 
sary to be done at the prison at Boston. He was a 
Deputy to the General Court of the Bay Colony for 
the years 1635-6-7. 

William Hutchinson, husband of Anne Hutchinson, 
was made a Judge in the County Court at Boston 
with \Mlliam Coddington. In 1635-6, he was a 
Deputy in the General Court of the Bay Colony. In 
1636, ]Mr. Hutchinson, Mr. Coddington and Mr. 
Brenton, with all the other Judges, were fined five 
shillings apiece for "being absent at 9 of the clock" 
in opening the Court at Boston. Mr. Hutchinson and 
Mr. Coddington both owned farms at Mt. Wollaston, 
now Ouincy, Mass. 

Mr. Hutchinson owned the land on the corner of 
School and Washington Streets, Boston ; built his first 



Boston, The School of Rhode Island. 51 

house and resided there until his removal to Ports- 
mouth in 1638. Mrs. Hutchinson was a physician 
and midwife in Boston. 

WilHam Baulston was made a Freeman of Boston 
in 1630; was a juryman on a murder trial the same 
year; was town sergeant of Boston in 1634 and was 
licensed "to keep a house of entertainment and to sell 
such claret and white wine as is sent for," in 1637. 

Much more could be said of the important services, 
individual and collective, of the Aquidneck settlers, 
in the founding of Boston, and the first eight years 
of the development of social order, civil government 
and a church of the Puritan faith. It must be clear 
to all that they held the first rank as Christian citi- 
zens, and that they shared the highest honors of the 
town and colony with Winthrop, Endicott, Brad- 
street, Bellingham and Dudley. The home and 
church life of the people was participated in by the 
founders of the Rhode Island Colony. Their ex- 
periences in all the various offices and functions gave 
them the opportunity to judge of the excellency and 
defects in organization and administration in civil 
and religious concerns in the Bay Colony. The 
lessons thus learned in practical, daily life were in- 
wrought into their mental thought and became the 
guiding principles in the establishment of a new 
state. As The Story of Dr. John Clarke develops, 
we shall clearly see the fruits of the Boston planting 



52 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

in the new towns and Colony on Aquidneck. "Mag- 
istracy" under Law was the keystone in the structure 
of the English State. It held the same vital position 
in the Puritan Commonwealth of the Bay Colony 
and later in the new Colony soon to be planted in the 
midst of Narragansett Bay. 

Concerning the founders of Rhode Island Colony 
on Aquidneck it may be said that they were a select 
people in education, in property, in character and in 
motive for a new settlement. It will appear that the 
Colony was born in Boston ; that most of its members 
had spent from two to seven years in assisting in the 
founding of that town ; that most of them as Callen- 
der states "were long esteemed as brethren of the 
church and never censured by the church at all" and 
"were Puritans of the highest form" ; that a large 
number of the men had held the highest positions of 
trust and honor in church and state; that, according 
to historian Arnold they were people "for the most 
part, from a superior class in point of education and 
social standing, which for more than a century se- 
cured to them a controlling influence in the Colony" ; 
that, according to the same authority, "their plans 
were more matured at the outset than those of the 
Providence settlers; that their object was to lay the 
foundation of a Christian State, where all who bore 
the name might worship God according to the dictates 
of conscience, untrammelled by written articles of 
faith, and unawed by the civil power." 



Boston, The School of Rhode Island. 53 

Mr. Richman in "Rhode Island, A Study in Sepa- 
ratism" writes as follows of the two settlements, 
Aquidneck and Providence: "As contrasted with each 
other, the island was refined, flourishing, aristocratic, 
while the main land was primitive, poor and plebian." 
Still further he writes, "Now that the island of 
Aquidneck had become a political entity, the contrast 
between it and the entity (or non-entity) Providence 
was marked in the extreme. By Providence there 
was symbolized individualism both religious and 
political — a great centrifugal, disjunctive and even 
disruptive. By Aquidneck (and especially by the 
Newport part of it) there was symbolized collectivism 
— a collectivism thoroughly individualized as to re- 
ligion, but in politics conjunctive and centripetal." 
Two sentences more vitally pregnant with truth, than 
the above, have never been written concerning the 
John Clarke and the Roger Williams towns, on Nar- 
ragansett Bay. 

The Colony of Rhode Island on Aquidneck w^as 
founded on the clear recognition of the rights of the 
individual man in civil and religious concerns and was 
made up of a body of men and women who by years 
of mutual acquaintance and fellowship had formed a 
social, political and religious union in advance of 
their new organic life; 

"Men, high-minded men, 

Men who their duties know, 

But know their rights, and, knowing, dare maintain." 



54 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 



CHAPTER V. 

Anne Hutchinson's School of Civil and 
Religious Liberty. 

In a previous chapter we have shown the advent 
and growth of new and hitherto untried principles 
of town and colonial government at Boston, and have 
also shown that the great body of future citizens of 
the Colony of Rhode Island (Aquidneck) had 
adopted and practised these principles and methods 
for a period of years, — long enough to test their value 
in actual colonial life. 

The first four years of Boston history — 1630-1634 
— was a period of social and civic acquaintance and 
adjustment. Protection from local perils and the 
safe-guarding of colonial rights of franchise made 
social, political and even religious unity an absolute 
necessity. A hostile home government in England 
might at any moment, and, without just cause, put an 
end to local government and make the political life 
of Boston people more burdensome than it had been 
in their native land, while a hostile Indian raid 
might at any moment, by tomahawk and torch, wipe 
out the infant settlement. In union was safetv. The 



Anne Hutchinson and Soul Liberty. 55 

next four years was a period of differentiation, singu- 
larly enough, along lines of most abstruse religious 
thought and denominational cleavage, involving, 
under the hard and obscure title, Antinomian, the most 
vital elements of Civil and Soul Liberty. By it Bos- 
ton became the storm centre, not only of debate but 
of deep-seated and violent hatred, divisions of social 
circles and families, of church excommunications, and 
of banishment. 

Concerning this remarkable mental and spiritual 
phenomenon, which stirred the whole New England 
pioneer life to its deepest depths, Mr. Charles Francis 
Adams of Boston, late President of the Massachusetts 
Historical Society, writes as follows: "In its essence, 
that controversy was a great deal more than a re- 
ligious dispute; it was the first of the many New 
England quickenings in the direction of social, intel- 
lectual and political developments, — New England's 
earliest protest against formulas." * * * * "jj ^^^g 
designed by no one. No one at the time realized its 
significance. It was to that community just what the 
first questioning of an active mind is to a child 
brought up in the strictest observance of purely con- 
ventional forms." * * * * "They represented the ideas 
of extreme civil liberty and religious toleration." * * * 
"The issue between religious toleration and a com- 
pelled theological conformity, was as a matter of es- 
tablished policy, then to be decided. It was, and the 
decision lasted through five generations." * * * * "For 



56 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

good or evil, it committed ^Massachusetts to a policy 
of strict religious conformity." * * * * "The domina- 
tion of 1637 was not disturbed or seriously shaken 
until the era of the Unitarian movement under 
Channing, in 1819." 

The home of William and Anne Hutchinson, Bos- 
ton, was the scene of the most active discussions and 
resolves that exercised the minds and determined the 
acts of the whole body of the new metropolis, and 
Anne Hutchinson was the leading spirit in this strife 
of tongues.. The Hutchinson family arrived in 
Boston Sept. 18, 1634, — a year after their favorite 
minister and teacher, Rev. John Cotton, who was the 
preacher at the old St. Botolph's Church, in Boston, 
England. Anne Hutchinson, whose maiden name 
was ^Marbury, had attended and richly enjoyed the 
liberal teachings of Mr. Cotton and his removal to 
Boston, in the Bay Colony was a strong magnet to 
draw the Hutchinsons thither. William Hutchinson 
was the grandson of John Hutchinson, a former 
Mayor of Lincoln, England. A descendant is found 
in Thomas Hutchinson, Governor of the Massachu- 
setts Colony. Mr. Hutchinson possessed a good prop- 
erty and located his first house in the centre of the 
town, with Gov. John Winthrop as his nearest neigh- 
bor, on the opposite side of the street. Mr. and Mrs. 
Hutchinson with their adult children joined the First 
Church, Boston, soon after their arrival, having Rev. 
John Wilson and Rev. John Cotton as pastor and 



Anne Hutchinson and Soul Liberty. 57 

teacher. Rev. Thomas \A'eld, their most bitter 
enemy tells us that the wife was "A woman of a 
haughty and fierce carriage, of a nimble wit and 
active spirit, and a very voluble tongue, more bold 
than a man, though in judgment and understanding 
inferior to many women." 

Governor Winthrop calls her a woman "of a ready 
wit and bold spirit" and her husband "a man of very 
mild temper, and weak parts and wholly guided by 
his wife." The historian Palfrey speaks of Mrs. 
Hutchinson as "a capable and resolute woman," and 
"a kind and serviceable neighbor, especially to per- 
sons of her own sex in times of sickness; and by 
these qualities united with her energy of character 
and vivacity of mind, she acquired esteem and influ- 
ence." Mr. Charles Francis Adams says of her, 
"Born about the year 1600, during the time she lived 
in Boston — a little less than four years — Anne 
Hutchinson was a woman in the full vigor of life, of a 
strong religious instinct, and a remarkably well-de- 
veloped controversial talent, wonderfully endowed 
with the indescribable quality known as rnagnetism." 

Rev. Dr. George E. Ellis of Boston estimates Mrs. 
Hutchinson as "a pure and excellent woman to whose 
person and conduct there attaches no stain. She first 
became known for her kind and helpful services, 
friendly and medical, to her own sex in their needs. 
* * * * a woman of 'nimble wit' and a high spirit — 
gifted in argument and ready speech." 



58 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

Mr. Rufus M. Jones, author of "Quakers in Amer- 
ica," styles Mrs. Hutchinson "the pre-Quakeress of 
New England." "The first teacher in New England 
of the doctrine of the inner light of God in the soul." 

Mr. William B. Weeden in "Early Rhode Island" 
speaks of Anne Marbury as a parishioner and be- 
loved disciple of Rev. John Cotton in England, "who 
soon outgrew the parson's teaching for she assimi- 
lated theology and philosophy as readily as she took 
her mother's milk." * * * * 'In intellect and vigor of 
temperament she would have been remarkable in any 
time or place; she was extraordinary when women 
were expected to listen humbly, and in no wise to 
create any function of their own. Nothing aston- 
ished her prosecutors and judges in Massachusetts 
more than her mastery of a situation, her speaking at 
will or holding her tongue under provocation." 

Here, evidently, is a woman of power, of vision, 
of mental vigor and clearness, and of moral and re- 
ligious convictions. She is strong enough in her own 
rights to set at naught the traditions of men as to a 
woman's sphere in the church and in society and 
opens her house, once and often twice a week, for a 
meeting of the women of Boston to discuss the live 
questions of church and state. She goes even further 
and invites the leading men of Boston to sit with the 
women and to discuss, in this first open Forum in 
America, or of its kind in the world, the topics of the 



Anne Hutchinson and Soul Liberty. 59 

hour. It is not a school of tattlers or scandal mon- 
gers. All are serious Puritans, debating serious 
matters, and a most serious woman presides and sets 
the keynote of the thinking body of town folks, who 
crowd her "large and commodious house" to the 
doorsteps, so vigorous is the tone of the debate, so 
practical, to their time, the themes discussed. Mrs. 
Hutchinson has won her way into the heart of Bos- 
ton society by her sympathetic and helpful services as 
midwife to young mothers and a domestic physician 
and nurse to the sick of both sexes. Boston society 
responds quickly to her invitation to her house and 
hospitable entertainment. But readiest of all Boston 
lends a quick ear to her discussion of magistrates and 
town government, to her views of household eco- 
nomics and child training, and most particularly to 
her views of religious doctrines and discipline as pre- 
sented by the minister and teacher of the First 
Church, Rev. John Wilson and Rev. John Cotton. 

In matters of religion and theology Anne Hutchin- 
son was a seer, a prophetess, "a Daniel, come to judg- 
ment." Three great spiritual concepts possessed her. 
She believed that the human soul could and did hold 
close communication with the Divine Over-Soul. She 
believed in direct and special revelations from the 
Divine to the human, — from God to her own soul. 
She also believed in a spiritual justification of the 
soul of man, with God, through Faith. She clearly 



60 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

and fearlessly declared herself a teacher of the doc- 
trine of justification through Faith, rather than of 
sanctification through works. The former she styled 
"The Covenant of Faith," the latter "The Covenant 
of Works." These doctrines constituted what was 
styled "Antinomianism" — a word of obscure and of 
little value except as an historic relic in the museum 
of antiquated theology. 

Mrs. Hutchinson's intensely practical temper led 
her to make application of her teachings to her own 
church and its ministers. She openly asserted and 
constantly affirmed that Rev. John Wilson was only a 
cold formalist, living in and teaching "The Covenant 
of Works." So far did she carry her dislike to the 
doctrine and its teachers, that she would walk out of 
the meeting house whenever Mr. Wilson and others 
of his thinking began to preach, and many, of like be- 
lief with herself, followed her example. Her favorite 
teacher. Rev. John Cotton, was to her mind, a true 
disciple in "The Covenant of Grace," as was Rev. 
John Wheelwright, her brother-in-law, the minister 
of the church at Braintree, Mass. Mrs. Hutchinson's 
kindly spirit and generous services had won the hearts 
of the people of Boston. Her earnest arguments, 
clothed in winning words, won their intellectual as- 
sent and cordial adherence, so much so that the audi- 
ences at her Thursday afternoon meetings were 
larger than those at the First Church on Sundays. 




SIR HARR'i- VANE 



Anne Hutchinson and Soul Liberty. 61 

The leading men of Boston as well as the women be- 
came adherents to her teachings and at one time all 
but five members of the First Church claimed to be 
her followers. Among them were William Codding- 
ton, Sir Harry Vane, Governor, and the whole of the 
Aquidneck delegation. Gov. Winthrop stood with 
Rev. John Wilson in opposition to Mrs. Hutchmson. 
Outside of Boston, the ministry were unanimously 
opposed to her doctrines and teachings and when she 
declared the clergy of The Bay Colony to be "cold 
formalists," "dead, without a name to live," "whited 
sepulchres," "hypocrites," "false teachers," etc., etc., 
they felt, that, unless this new sectarian was silenced, 
their holy craft was in great danger of an ignomin- 
ious overthrow, and that downfall would be due to a 
woman! Was not the colony a theocracy? Was not 
God's Word the rule of life in the new state? Was 
not the ministry the interpreters and teachers of that 
Word' Shall Heresy be allowed to destroy a Puritan 
Commonwealth? Shall the ministry, the church, the 
theocracy, the new order of statehood go down under 
the assaults of a feminine foe "whose tongue was as 
a sword and her sex a shield?" The voice of the 
clergy of the Bay Colony was almost as the voice of 
one man in an emphatic determination to put down 
this persistent advocate of adjudged pestilential and 
heretical doctrines. Rev. John Cotton and Rev. John 
Wheelwright aligned themselves with the Antmomian 
cause, although in the case of Mr. Cotton, his atti- 



62 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

tude was later changed to one of opposition to his 
former English parishioner and favorite. 

For four year,, — 1634-1638 — ]Mrs. Hutchinson had 
taught a new Revelation as to Church and State. In 
the midst of much debate that, in our time, seems 
incoherent and meaningless, this new school empha- 
sized certain great, essential principles of modern 
Democracy, or what ]\fr. Lodge calls at that age 
liberal Puritanism. The open Forum at the Hutchin- 
sons was none other than the free and untrammelled 
debate of the New England town meeting, in which 
John Adams tells us our liberties were first asserted 
and assured. Liberty of thought and speech were 
not only claimed as the right of freemen, but was 
fully illustrated and confirmed. But liberty of 
thought and expression is only another name for Re- 
ligious Liberty and it is not too much to afiirm that in 
the Hutchinson School there was, for three years, 
the most absolute exercise of Religious Freedom, as 
a basic principle of a Free State. 

Still more, the larger conception of a Free Com- 
monwealth was evolved, in which all classes of people, 
— clergy and laity, the rich and the poor, the learned 
and the unlearned. — stood as equals before the law, 
with rights as to life, liberty and justice, unabridged, 
except as forfeited by crime, or lost by incompetency. 
It is difficult to construct a broader platform in con- 
cerns civil, social, economical and religious, than we 



Anne Hutchinson and Soul Liberty. 63 

find claimed, advocated and for a brief time enjoyed, 
in the Hutchinson Free State, at the corner of Wash- 
ington and School streets. Boston, in the Bay Colony. 
1634-1638. Even the claimants for the rights of man, 
irrespective of sex, may assume Anne Hutchinson of 
Boston as their leader and first great advocate and 
practitioner, so far as the conditions of her time made 
such claims and practise valid. 

Rev. John Wheelwright, minister to the Congre- 
gational church at Braintree, born at Alford, Lincoln- 
shire, 1592, was a non-conformist preacher, learned 
and eloquent and withal a defender of "The Covenant 
of Grace." On a Fast Day in January, 1637, he de- 
livered what Mr. Adams calls "the most momentous 
sermon ever preached from the American pulpit." 
The sermon was a masterly defence of "The Cove- 
nant of Grace," as taught by Mrs. Hutchinson and 
himself, "against pagans and anti-Christians, and 
those that runne under a Covenant of Works." It 
was a bold affirmation of a spiritual faith in opposi- 
tion to a worldly, unspiritual orthodoxy. In March, 
1637, the General Court declared Mr. Wheelwright 
guilty of contempt and sedition, deferred the sentence, 
and changed the seat of government to Cambridge, as 
Boston was in full sympathy with the accused min- 
ister. Troublous days are on at Boston. The spring 
election turned on the issue as to "The Covenants," — 
orthodoxy triumphed. Governor Vane was defeated. 



64 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

Coddington failed of an election as an Assistant, and 
all of Mrs. Hutchinson's adherents on the general 
ticket were defeated. Fisticuffs were engaged in by 
the most devout and Pastor Wilson climbed a tree to 
harangue the voters, all of whom were church mem- 
bers. Vane soon went back to England. Coddington 
was elected a Deputy to the General Court from Bos- 
ton, as were William x\spinwall and John Coggeshall. 
Rev. John Cotton saw a new light in the election re- 
turns and was "won over to an uncompromising or- 
thodoxy." Winthrop, Governor, and Endicott, Dud- 
ley^, Bellingham, Bradstreet, Saltonstall and others of 
the orthodox party sat in the "Seats of the Mighty." 
In the spring election of 1637 in the Bay Colony the 
hands on the timepiece of Progress and Spiritual En- 
franchisement were set back into the twilight hours 
and the pendulum ceased to beat. 

August 30. 1637, the first Cambridge Synod of 
Magistrates and Ministers met at Newtown, and be- 
fore it Mrs. Anne Hutchinson was summoned to an- 
swer to eighty-two "erroneous opinions" cherished 
and taught in her school at Boston. Single-handed 
and alone she withstood the assaults and answered the 
questionings of this large lay and clerical court, 
nearly all of whose numbers were hostile to the de- 
fendant. To those who care to read the celebrated 
polemic dialogue, reference is made to "Antinomi- 
anism in IMassachusetts Bay Colony" by Charles 



Anne Hutchinson and Soul Liberty. 65 

Francis Adams. As was to be expected, Mrs. Hutch- 
inson was heard and condemned by the Synod 
after a session of twenty-four days and her case was 
referred to the Great and General Court of the Col- 
ony as well as to the church of which she was a mem- 
ber for such discipline as those bodies might see fit 
to exercise. 

The session of the General Court of the Bay Colony 
in November, 1637, was an event of mighty signifi- 
cance in the annals of American History — probably 
greater than any that has since succeeded, for in and 
by it the magistrates declared various opinions hereti- 
cal and also voted banishment to a large body of the 
most eminent and valuable citizens of Boston and 
other Colonial towns. As a result of such action and 
the forcible migration of this class of people, new 
towns were established in Northern and Southern 
New England and a new Colony was created on 
Aquidneck in Narragansett Bay which embodied in 
its primal acts the principles of Civil and Religious 
Liberty, against whose establishment at Boston, the 
orthodox party of the Bay Colony, led by Governor 
John Winthrop, had so strenuously and successfully 
set themselves. "The Lord brethren" of Boston had 
shown themselves the lineal descendants of the 
Bishops of the mother land, and the several acts of 
scission made possible and certain the founding and 
permanent establishment of a Liberal Puritan State 



66 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

on Aquidneck, in Narragansett Bay, dedicated to 
Civil and Soul Liberty from its first inception. 
"There's a Divinity that shapes our ends, 
Rough hew them how we will." 

Events of moment follow in rapid succession. We 
turn to the pages of the Records of The Colony of 
]\Iassachusetts Bay in New England for their estab- 
lishment.. 

Nov. 2, 1637. "Mr. John Wheelwright, being for- 
merly convicted of contempt and sedition, and now 
justifying himself and his former practise, being to 
the disturbance of the civill peace, hee is by the Court 
disfranchised and banished, having 14 days to settle 
his affaires, and if within that time hee depart not 
the patent, hee promiseth to render himselfe to Mr. 
Staughton, at his house, to bee kept till hee bee dis- 
posed of." 

"Mr. John Coggeshall being convented for disturb- 
ing the publike peace, was disfranchised, and enjoyned 
not to speake anything to disturb the publike peace, 
upon pain of punishment." Mr. Coggeshall was a 
Deacon of the First Church and was recently elected 
as a Deputy from Boston as was Deacon William 
Aspinwall. Both were unceremoniously expelled 
from the General Court and a new election ordered. 
Mr. Coddington was also a Deputy from Boston, but 
was allowed to retain his seat in the court. 



Anne Hutchinson and Soul Liberty. 67 

"Mr. William Aspinwall being convented for hav- 
ing his hand to a petition or remonstrance, being a 
seditious Hbell, and justifiing the same, for which, 
and for his insolent and turbulent carriage, hee is 
disfranchised and banished, puting in sureties for his 
departure before the end of the first month next 
ensuing." 

"Mrs. (Anne) Hutchinson, (wife of Mr. William 
Hutchinson), being convented for traducing the min- 
isters and their ministry in this country, shee de- 
clared volentarily her revelations for her ground, 
and that shee should be delivered and the Court 
ruined, with their posterity, and thereupon was ban- 
ished, and the meane while was commited to Mr. 
Joseph Welde untill the Court shall dispose of her." 

These acts were all passed under date of Nov. 2, 
1637. x'\t the next sitting of the Court, on Nov. 15, 
several more citizens and freemen were disfranchised 
for signing the Wheelwright protest. Five days 
later, Nov. 20, the General Court passed an act that, 
for unadulterated, high handed tyranny, has few 
more flagrant examples in the history of half civi- 
lized states. It was worthy of the insolent audacity 
of Arch-Bishop Laud and the Star Chamber. Here 
it is fresh from the Records of The Colony of Massa- 
chusetts Bay, Vol. I, p. 211 : 

"Whereas the opinions and revelations of Mr. 
Wheelwright and Mrs. Hutchinson have seduced and 



68 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

led into dangerous errors many of the people heare 
in Newe England, insomuch as there is just cause of 
suspition that they, as others in Germany, in former 
times, may, upon some revelation, make some suddaine 
irruption upon those that differ from them in judg- 
ment, for prevention whereof it is ordered, that all 
those whose names are underwritten shall (upon 
warning given or left at their dwelling houses) before 
the 30th day of this month of November, deliver at 
Mr. Cane's house, at Boston, all such guns, pistols, 
swords, powder, shot and match as they shall bee 
owners of, or have in their custody, upon paine of 
ten pound for every default to bee made thereof; 
which armes are to bee kept by IMr. Cane till this 
Court shall take further order therein. Also, it is 
ordered, upon like penalty of £X that no man who 
is to render his armes by this order shall buy or bor- 
row any guns, swords, pistols, powder, shot, or match, 
untill this Court shall take further order therein." 

Fifty-eight citizens of Boston are named and sev- 
enteen from nearby towns. On a groundless sus- 
picion, for no crime, seventy-five heads of families are 
subjected to the humiliation of carrying to Mr. Cane's 
house in Boston, all the means of personal and family 
protection they possessed, thereby setting at naught 
the well established doctrine of the house the castle, 
not even entering the premises by a legal search 
warrant. 



Anne Hutchinson and Soul Liberty. 69 

Of the men of Boston, who, within a few months 
of this were founders of a new town at Aquidneck, 
were William Hutchinson, husband of Anne, Dea. 
William x-Vspinwall, Samuel Cole, William Dyer, hus- 
band of Mary, Edward Rainsford, John Batton, John 
Sanford, Richard Cooke, Richard Fairbanks, Oliver 
Mellows, Samuel Wilbour, John Oliver, Richard 
Gridley, Zachariah Bosworth, William Townsend, 
William Pell, Richard Hutchinson, James Johnson, 
Gen. Thomas Savage, John Odlin, Gamalial Wayte, 
Edward Hutchinson, Isaac Gross, Richard Carder, 
Robert Harding, Richard Wayte, John Porter, Jacob 
Elliott, Thomas Wardell, William Wardell, William 
Baulston, William Freeborn, Henry Bull, William 
Salter, Dr. John Clarke, Dea. John Coggeshall, 
Mr. Easton of Newbury, Richard Bulgar and Philip 
Sherman of Roxbury were included in the act of dis- 
armament of peaceable citizens, whose only civic 
ofifence was their endorsement of the liberal views of 
Mrs. Hutchinson and Rev. John Wheelwright as to 
a free church in a free state. It seems almost unbe- 
lievable that Governor John Winthrop and men of his 
type should have committed an act of such a criminal 
character, for which they could have been held amen- 
able for treason against the state in the Courts of 
England. But the unjust order was obeyed, arms and 
ammunition were given up by these hitherto loyal 
citizens, for the most part church members and free- 
men of the Bay Colony. Other plans and the found- 



70 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

ing of other towns and a new Colony possess the 
minds and hearts of these men and women, whose 
opinions as to civil and religious freedom are so at 
variance with the theocracy of Boston. 

The closing acts of the drama are a worthy sequel 
to the events which were inaugurated by the advent 
of Anne Hutchinson to Boston in 1634. The time is 
March, 1638. The place is the meeting house of the 
First Church of Boston. The Rev. John Wilson is 
in the pulpit and Anne Hutchinson stands before him 
to receive the sentence of excommunication, with a 
crowded assembly as witnesses. It is the hour of the 
jubilant triumph of Puritan orthodoxy over a more 
liberal faith and a more liberal civil polity. Wilson 
and Winthrop are vindicated; Anne Hutchinson is 
silenced. Listen to the words of condemnation rolling 
out of the mouth of the Puritan Pope of Boston 
against the female culprit at the foot of the sacred 
altar of the temple of the despised Jesus, — "There- 
fore in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ and in the 
name of the church I do not only pronounce you 
worthy to be cast out, but I do cast you out ; and in 
the name of Christ do I deliver you up to Satan, that 
you may learn no more to blaspheme, to seduce and 
to lie; and I do account you from this time forth to 
be a Heathen and a Publican, and so to be held of 
all the brethren and sisters of this congregation and 
of others; therefore I command you in the name of 



Anne Hutchinson and Soul Liberty. 71 

Christ Jesus and of this church as a leper to with- 
draw yourself out of the congregation." It is diffi- 
cult to think of such an awful utterance from a min- 
inster of the Gospel of Love of the Christ. One can 
almost see Angels weep and Satan laugh. 

As Anne Hutchinson turned from the altar to 
leave the house, bearing in her heart the heavy an- 
athemas of the church she had loved, out of the awe- 
stricken throng came Mary Dyer, one of her disciples 
and devoted friends, took her arm and walked by her 
side down the aisle and out of the house. One story 
has it that William Coddington also walked by her 
side. If not in fact, he did in spirit as did all the de- 
voted band who were preparing for a new exodus to 
a new land of promise. One standing at the meeting 
house door said to Mrs. Hutchinson, "The Lord sanc- 
tify this unto you." She replied, "The Lord judgeth 
not as man judgeth. Better to be cast out of the 
church than to deny Christ." A stranger in Boston, 
pointing at Mary Dyer, asked, "Who is that young 
woman?" The reply was, "It is the woman which 
bore the monster." Twenty-four years later, Mary 
Dyer was hung on Boston Common for being a 
Quakeress. 

One more event is of record when we turn to the 
great "experiment" for which eight years of Boston 
history has been the preparatory school, — the found- 
ing of The Colony of Rhode Island, in Narragansett 



72 The Story of Dr. John Ci<arke. 

Bay. We have already noted the warnings of the 
Bay Colony, the notes of the impending separation, 
exclusion and banishment. On the 12th of March, 
1638, the summons is issued against Mr. Coddington 
and others as follows: "Mr. William Coddington, Mr. 
John Coggeshall, Gov. William Baulston, Edward 
Hutchinson, Samuel Wilbore, John Porter, John 
Compton, Henry Bull, Philip Shearman, Willi Free- 
borne and Richd Carder, these haveing license to dept, 
summons is to go out for them to appear (if they bee 
not gone before) at the next Court, the third month, 
to answer such things as be objected." 

The Stone which the builders of the Massachu- 
setts Bay Colony rejected shall soon become the cor- 
ner of a new Commonwealth, styled The Colony of 
Rhode Island on Aquidneck. 




Dr. John Clarke. Th 



CHAPTER VI. 

Dr. John Clarke. 
From 1609-1651. 

Dr. John Clarke of Aquidneck was in the fourth 
generation from John the first, through John and 
Thomas. He was the third son of Thomas and Rose 
Clarke and was born in Westhorpe, Suflolk Co., Oct. 
8, 1609. An older brother, Thomas, born 1605, and 
a younger brother, Joseph, born Dec. 9, 1618, were 
admitted inhabitants of Aquidneck, 1638, and united 
with their brother John in the formation of the First 
Baptist Church of Newport, R. I., in 1644. A fourth 
brother, Carew, born Feb. 3, 1602, also settled at 
Newport. 

Little is known of the early years of Dr. Clarke, 
but it is absolutely certain that they were devoted to 
the acquisition of learning under the best conditions 
of that period of English life as we find him at the 
age of twenty-eight holding two professions, that of 
a physician and also an ordained minister of the 
Baptist faith. The best evidence we have as to the 
source of his academic education is obtained from a 
catalogue of the University of Leyden, Holland, 
1575-1875. The entrv is as follows: 



74 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

Johannes Clarcq, Anghis, 17 July, 1635-273. 
"Album studiosorum Academiae Lugduno Batavia, 

1575-1875. 

Accedunt noniina curatorum et professoriim per 

eadem secida." 

Translation. 
"John Clarke, England 17 July, 1635-273." 
A Catalogue of the Students of the Academy at Ley- 
den, Batavia, 1575-1875. 
Also the names of officers and teachers for the same 
period." 

As Dr. Clarke was a Non-Conformist, it seems 
easy to believe that he obtained his university educa- 
tion in this liberal town, the home of the Pilgrims 
of Plymouth from 1607 to 1620. It is also reason- 
able to assume that he was a member of or in fellow- 
ship with the Baptists of Holland, who had, as early 
as 1611, affirmed the right of all men to religious 
liberty and the duty of obedience to lawful govern- 
ment. One of Dr. Clarke's biographers states that 
"he attained high repute for ability and scholarship 
in languages, including Latin, Greek and Hebrew, 
law, medicine and theology." In theology, Dr. Clarke 
accepted and taught the doctrines of the Particular 
or Calvinistic Baptists, in opposition to the Ar- 
minian Baptists. That he was a man of classical 
learning and accurate scholarship appears from an 
"item" in his will : "Unto my loving friend, Richard 



Dr. John Clarke. 75 

Bailey, I give and bequeath my Concordance and 
Lexicon to it belonging, written by myself, being the 
fruit of several years study; my Hebrew Bibles, Bux- 
torff's and Passor's Lexicon, Cotton's Concordance 
and all the rest of my books." 

In the library of Harvard College is an ancient 
book, entitled "Holy Oyle for the Lampes of the Sanc- 
tuarie; or Scripture Phrases Alphabetically Disposed 
for the Use and Benefit of such as desire to speake 
the Language of Canaan, more especially the sonnes 
of the Prophets who would attain elegancie and sub- 
limiitie of expression, by John Clarke, Master of 
Arts. 

London, printed by Aug. Mathews for Rob. Mil- 
bourne, and are to be sold at his shop at the Grey- 
hound in St. Paul's Churchyard, 1630." 

The book, 3/2 X yy^, pp. 535, is dedicated in Latin 
to the Bishop of Lincoln and is dated at Lincoln, 
England, Nov. 12, 1629. It is a subject index to the 
Bible or an Analytical Concordance. The author 
says, "Amongst the world of bookes which are in the 
world I never hitherto sawe or heard of any of this 
nature in any language now extinct. * * * Come and 
see— a booke which may first serve instead of a Con- 
cordance for the finding out of many places in the 
Bible, especially of homogeneal sense, though not 
words, all or alwayes. Second, supply the want for a 



76 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

commentory upon divers passages of Holy Scriptures. 
* * * * Thirdly, by the various expressions of the 
same things not only furnish a preacher with heaven- 
lie and sweet elegancies, but also very much enrich 
his invention. * * * * The book is not, I confess, so 
exactly done as I could wish; yet done it is as I have 
been able in my successive houres and time borrowed 
sometimes from sleepe (being first compared and 
since written out in the night) as thou mayeth easily 
perceive me to have beene nodding now and then." 

As there is but one known Concordance by John 
Clarke, M. A., it is inferred that Dr. Clarke of Rhode 
Island is the author of the volume above described. 

Dr. Clarke was married three times. His first 
wife was Elizabeth Harges, daughter of John Harges, 
Esq., of Bedfordshire, England, whom he married 
before he left his native land in 1637. She died at 
Newport, without issue. February 1, 1671, he mar- 
ried Mrs. Jane Fletcher by whom he had a daughter, 
born February 14, 1672. The mother died April 19, 
1672; the daughter died May 18, 1673. His third 
wife was Mrs. Sarah Davis, widow of Nicholas 
Davis. She died in 1692, surviving him sixteen years. 

In 1652, Dr. Clarke published in London a book 
styled "/// Nezves from Neiv England," in which he 
introduced the substance of a tract issued in 1651, 
touching New England and particularly Rhode Island, 
in which he discourses on the occasion of his going 



Dr. John Clarke. 77 

out with others from Massachusetts Bay. As this 
record of Dr. Clarke is the first reliable statement of 
a participant in the events he relates it is worthy of 
special attention here. 

"In the year 1637 I left my native land, and in the 
ninth month of the same, I (through mercy) arrived 
in Boston. I was no sooner on shore, but there ap- 
peared to me dififerences among them touching the 
covenants, and in points of evidencing a man's good 
estate, some prest hard for the Covenant of works, 
and for santicification to be the first and chief evi- 
dences; others prest as hard for the Covenant of 
grace that was established upon better promises, and 
for the evidence of the spirit, as that which is a more 
certain, constant and satisfactory witness. I thought 
it not strange to see men differ about matters of 
Heaven, for I expect no less upon Earth. But to see 
that they were not able so to bear with others in their 
diflerent understandings and consciences, as in these 
uttermost parts of the world to live peaceably to- 
gether, whereupon I moved the latter, for as much as 
the land was before us and wide enough with the 
profer of Abraham to Lot, and for peace sake, to 
turn aside to the right hand or to the left. The motion 
was readily accepted and I was requested with some 
others to seek out a place which I was ready to do; 
and thereupon by reason of the suffocating heat of the 
Summer before. I went to the North to be somewhat 



78 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

cooler, but the Winter following proved so cold, that 
we were forced in the Spring to make towards the 
South; so having sought the Lord for direction, we 
all agreed that while our vessel was passing about a 
large and dangerous Cape, we would cross over by 
land, having Long Hand and Deleware-Bay in our 
eie for the place of our residence ; so to a town called 
Providence we came, which was begun by one M. 
Roger IVUUams (who for matter of conscience had 
not long before been exiled from the former juris- 
diction) by whom we were courteously and lovingly 
received, and with whom we advised about our de- 
sign ; he readily presented two places before us in the 
same Naragaiiscfs Bay, the one upon the main called 
Soziiwames, the other called then Acquedneck, now 
Rode-IIand; we enquired whether they would fall in 
any other Patent, for our resolution was to go out of 
them all ; he told us (to be brief) that the way to know 
that, was to have recourse unto Plymouth; so our 
Vessell as yet not being come about, and we thus 
blockt up, the company determined to send to 
Plymouth, and pitcht upon two others together with 
myself, requesting also M. JJ'iUiams to go to 
Plymouth to know how the case stood; so we did; and 
the Magistrates thereof very lovingly gave us a meet- 
ing; I then informed them of the cause of our coming 
unto them, and desired them in a word of truth and 
faithfulness to inform us whether Soxv-zvames were 
within their Patent, for we were now on the wang, and 



Dr. John Clarke. 



79 



were resolved through the help of Christ, to get cleer 
of all and be of ourselves, and provided our way were 
cleer before us, it were all one for us to go further 
of¥ as to remain neer at hand; their answer was, that 
Sow-zvames was the garden of their Patent, and the 
flour in the garden; then I told them we could not 
desire it; but requested further in the like word of 
truth and faithfulness to be informed whether they 
laid claim to the Hands in the Naragansct Bay, and 
that in particular called Acqucdneck? they all with 
a cheerful countenance made us this answer, it was 
in their thoughts to have advised us thereto, and if 
the provident hand of God should pitch us thereon 
thev should look upon as free, and as loving neigh- 
bours and friends should be assistant unto us upon 
the main, &c. So we humbly thanked them, and re- 
turned with that answer: So it pleased the Lord, 
by moving the hearts of the natives, even the chiefest 
thereof, to pitch us thereon, and by other occurrences 
of providence, which are too large here to relate : So 
that having bought them off to their full satisfaction, 
we have possessed the place ever since; and notwith- 
standing the different understandings and consciences 
amongst us, without interruption we agree to main- 
tain civil Justice and judgment, neither are there such 
outrages committed mongst us as in other parts of 
the Country are frequently seen." 

Dr Clarke's convictions as to the rights of the in- 
dividual conscience in religious concerns were clear 



80 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

and well established. He was also clear and strong 
as to full liberty in civil affairs. For these reasons 
he at once allied himself with the Hutchinson party 
on his arrival in Boston, and therefor was refused 
a residence and disarmed, with others, by the order 
of the General Court. 

We here note one of those remarkable events in 
history where there is a conjunction of the man and 
the hour. The Bay Colony has drawn the sharp line 
of division and dismemberment and has proceeded 
to discipline the offending citizens, not in harmony 
with the Theocracy. Deacons Coggeshall and Aspin- 
wall of the First Church, recently elected represen- 
tatives of the General Court, are expelled from the 
Legislature, for their religious opinions. Codding- 
ton is defeated as Assistant for the same reason, — an 
office he has held since 1630. Governor Harry Vane, 
a strong supporter of Mrs. Hutchinson, has gone 
down to defeat before the clerical party of the colony 
and has left Boston for the home land, never to re- 
turn. A religious war is on. A civil war is feared 
and the homes of the people are invaded by the Act 
of Disarmament. Such experiences as these were 
soul-trying to the people of Boston, especially to 
those who composed the party of protest. Exile 
stares the Hutchinson party in the face. Homes, 
just built, must be given up. Property sacrificed. 
Business interests destroyed. Family and social ties 



Dr. John Clarke. 81 

must be surrendered. A new wilderness must be in- 
vaded. Savage hospitality again be invoked. New 
foundations must be laid which shall give security to 
property, life, liberty, civil and spiritual. The exodus 
period is at hand. Who shall be the leader of God's 
chosen flock from the bondage of the Bay Colony? 

The man is at hand. It is Dr. John Clarke, fresh 
from the clerical and medical studies of the liberal 
University of Leyden, and thoroughly inoculated 
with the spirit of Democracy of the Baptists of Hol- 
land. He is in his twenty-ninth year, — a strong, stal- 
wart fellow, — over six feet in height, magnetic, — en- 
thusiastic, — having a judicial mind, — a calm temper, 
— a bold and resolute will. He arrives in Boston 
when the town is stirred as never before or since, in 
a contest for the emancipation of the soul of man 
from the chains of a spiritual bondage. A freeman 
himself, he at once casts in his lot with advocates and 
disciples of a liberal Democracy, and at once is chosen 
their new leader and proposes the formation of a new 
state in a new land, free from the galling bonds of 
their present conditions, in the Bay Colony. On the 
shoulders of such a leader, at such a juncture, is the 
chief responsibility placed of seeking a place of refuge 
and rest for a people whose hearts were set on civil 
and soul freedom. 

Dr. Clarke tells us in "111 Newes from New 
England" the state of affairs at Boston, on his ar- 



82 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

rival in November, 1637. He states that he moved 
for choosing a new location for a new Colony and 
that the motion being readily accepted, he with others 
were requested to seek out a place, without the juris- 
diction of any Colony. The story of the choice of 
Aquidneck is best told by Dr. Clarke, himself: — "By 
reason of the suffocating heat of the summer before 
(1637), I went to the North to be somewhat cooler, 
but the winter following proved so cold (1637-8), that 
we were forced in the spring to make towards the 
South." 

Concerning Dr. Clarke's services in the founding 
of Portsmouth and Newport, the details will be told 
in the chapters relating to those towns. It is sufficient 
here to state that he was the recognized founder and 
father of the Aquidneck Plantations, the author of 
the Compact of Portsmouth and the adviser and lead- 
ing spirit in the organization and administration of 
the island towns. While he was an adherent of the 
school of Anne Hutchinson, he was not a blind fol- 
lower, but held fast to the Baptist faith and carried 
on public worship at Newport, until in 1644, he or- 
ganized a church "on the scheme and principles of 
the Baptists." Callender states that there were fif- 
teen male members in 1648, their names being John 
Clarke, his brothers Joseph and Thomas, Mark Lukas, 
Nathaniel W'est, William Vaughan, John Peckham, 
John Thornton, William Weeden, and Samuel Hub- 
bard. Dr. Clarke was the minister and teacher of 



Dr. John Clarke. 83 

this church until his death, with the exception of the 
years 1652-1663, while absent in London on Colonial 
business. It bears the name of the First Baptist 
John Clarke Memorial Church of Newport and has 
held the doctrines of the Particular or Calvinist Bap- 
tists from its founding until the present time. Sev- 
eral Baptist churches of differing opinions have 
sprung from the mother church at Newport. The old 
church, — claimed by many and with much of truth 
and justice in the claim, as the oldest orthodox Baptist 
church in America, — is still true to its traditions and 
history and will preserve, with increasing interest as 
the years come and go, the name and the fame of its 
distinguished Founder, — Dr. John Clarke. 

In the year 1652, a book appeared in London, 
printed by Henry Hills living in Fleet- Yard, next 
door to the Race and Crown, written by John Clarke, 
Physician of Rhode Island in America. Its title was 
"/// Nezves from Nezv Egland or a Narrative of Neiv 
England's Persecution. . Wherein is Declared that 
while Old England is becoming new, New England is 
becoming old." This book had for its motive the re- 
markable story of the trials of Dr. John Clarke, 
Obadiah Holmes and John Crandall, freemen of the 
Colony of Rhode Island on Aquidneck and members 
of the Baptist church of Newport, and according to 
the title of the Narrative is "A Faithful and True 
Relation of the Prosecution of Obadiah Holmes, John 
Crandall, and John Clarke, merely for Conscience 



84 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

towards God, by the Principal Members of the 
Church, or Commonwealth of Massachusetts in New 
England, which rules over that part of the world." 
As one reads the story, it is found to be a real case 
of persecution for the sake of religion and involves 
in the clearest fashion the principle of soul liberty. 
Dr. Clarke uses the distressing experiences of the 
party to illustrate the full meaning of suffering for 
a religious conscience and introduces eight logical 
and scriptural "arguments against persecution for 
case of Conscience." The work shows the bright 
figure of religious liberty portrayed on the dark back- 
ground of Massachusetts' intolerance, — the spirit of 
John Clarke of Newport in contrast with that of Gov- 
ernor John Endicott of the Bay Colony. 

The story reads like one of the historic books of 
the old Hebrew Scriptures. "It came to pass that 
we three (Obadiah Holmes, John Crandall and John 
Clarke), by the good hand of our God, came into the 
Massachusetts Bay upon the 16 day of the 5th 
Moneth (16)51 ; and upon the 19th of the same, upon 
occasion of business, we came unto a town in the same 
Bay called Lin (Lynn), where we lodged at a blind 
man's house neer two miles out of the Town, by name 
of William Witter, who being baptized unto Christ 
waits, as we also doe, for the Kingdom of God, and 
the full consolation of the Israel of God." 

On the 20th of July, Sunday, Dr. Clarke preached 
at Mr. Witter's house. Witter being a member of his 



Dr. John Clarke. 85 

church at Newport and too infirm to attend "the Pub- 
like AssembHe." To this service at Witter's, "four 
or five strangers came in unexpected." During the 
service, two constables entered the house and with 
"clamorous tongues" interrupted Dr. Clarke's dis- 
course, "more uncivilly" says he, "than the Pursi- 
vants of the old English Bishops were wont to do." 
Their Warrant required them to go to the house of 
William Witter and to search from house to house 
"for certain erronious persons, being strangers; and 
them to apprehend and in safe custody to keep and 
tomorrow morning (Monday) be eight of the Clock 
to bring before me — .Robert Bridges." 

The offenders were watched over that night "as 
theeves and robbers" and being brought before the 
magistrate on Monday, were committed to prison 
until the next County Court, July 31. "Without pro- 
ducing either accuser, witness, jury, law of God, or 
man," John Clarke was sentenced to pay a fine of 
twenty pounds "or else be well whipt." Obadiah 
Holmes was to pay a fine of "thirty pounds or be well 
whipt," and John Crandall "five pounds or be well 
whipt," — Governor John Endicott issuing the sen- 
tences. On an appeal and a hearing on matters of 
faith and conscience, Dr. Clarke was set at liberty on 
the 11th of August, 1651. Crandall was dismissed 
on payment of his fine. Holmes refused to pay the 
fine of thirty pounds and would not allow his friends 
to pay it for him, saying that "to pay it would be 



86 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

acknowledging himself to have done wrong, whereas 
his conscience testified that he had done right and he 
durst not accept deliverance in such a way." He was 
accordingly punished with thirty lashes from a three- 
corded whip, on Boston Common, with such severity 
"that in many days, if not some weeks, he could take 
no rest, but as he lay upon his knees and elbows, not 
being able to suffer any part of his body to touch the 
bed whereon he lay." He told the Magistrates, "You 
have struck me as with roses. Although the Lord 
hath made it easie to me, yet I pray God it may not 
be laid to your charge." On the death of Dr. Clarke 
in 1676, Mr. Holmes, a martyr for Soul Liberty, suc- 
ceeded him as minister of the First Baptist Church 
of Newport. It is an easy matter to write books on 
Soul-Liberty. Easier still, is it to profess a belief in 
it. The rub comes when an officer commits to an old- 
time Colonial jail ; when a Governor inflicts cruel 
judgments, and when an unwilling or an unfeeling 
Magistrate extorts heavy fines or inflicts public 
scourging with three corded whips, with teeth of 
scorpions. Better proof is not needed of the depths 
and sincerity of Aquidneck men in the doctrines of 
civil and religious liberty than the piety and patriot- 
ism of Clarke, Crandall and Holmes of Newport. 

Concerning Dr. Clarke's service in the Rhode 
Island Colony, his work in and for the Royal Charter 
of 1663, and his later work, the story will be told in 
succeeding chapters. 




THE AQUIDNECK. PURCHASE. 1638 
COLONY OF RHODE ISLAND. 1640 



The Founding of Portsmouth. 



87 



CHAPTER VII. 

The Founding of Portsmouth. 

The plans for founding a new colony, as prepared 
by Dr. John Clarke in the autumn of 1637, were 
matured at Boston during the few months that inter- 
vened before the act of practical scission, which sent 
so many of the leading and influential families of 
Boston into exile from the Bay Colony. Dr. Clarke 
was eminently fitted for the leadership of a fresh 
enterprise of this sort. He had not yet made a settle- 
ment for himself and family; he was not bound by 
any ties of association or relationship with Boston 
interests, and could act the part of an impartial judge 
and diplomat, for which he was by nature and educa- 
tion so thoroughly fitted. Besides his liberal edu- 
cation for two professions, both of which he adorned, 
secured for him the full confidence of all the dissent- 
ing body. 

Dr. Clarke has already told us in his own language 
how the new migration was led to choose Aquidneck 
as the place of settlement of a new town,— it was out- 
side the pale of any existing patent, adjoining a 
f riendlv people in Plymouth Colony, and purchaseable 



88 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

from the Narragansetts. In this purchase as well 
as in the choice of location, Mr. \Villiams acted the 
hospitable, the friendly part. Concerning the pur- 
chase of Aquidneck, Mr. Williams, writing in 1658, 
says, "I have acknowledged the rights and properties 
of every inhabitant of Rhode Island (Aquidneck) in 
peace; yet, since there is so much sound and noise of 
purchase and purchasers, I judge it not unreason- 
able to declare the rise and bottom of the planting of 
Rhode Island (Aquidneck) in the fountain of it. It 
was not price nor money that could have purchased 
Rhode Island. Rhode Island (Aquidneck) was ob- 
tained by love ; by the love and favor which that hon- 
orable gentleman. Sir Henry Vane and myself had 
with that great sachem Miantonomi, about the league 
which I procured between the Massachusetts English, 
etc., and the Narragansetts in the Pequod war. It is 
true I advised a gratuity to be presented to the sachem 
and the natives, and because Mr. Coddington and the 
rest of my loving countrymen were to inhabit the 
place and to be at the charge of the gratuities, I drew 
up a writing in Mr. Coddington's name, and in the 
names of such of my loving countrymen as came up 
with him and put it into as sure a form as I could at 
that time (amongst the Indians) for the benefit and 
assurance of the present and future inhabitants of 
the island. This I mention, that as that truly noble 
Sir Harry Vane hath been so great an instrument in 
the hand of God for procuring of this island (Aquid- 



The Founding of Portsmouth. 89 

neck) from the barbarians, as also for procuring and 
confirming the charter (1644), so it may by all due 
thankful acknowledgment be remembered and re- 
corded of us and ours which reap and enjoy the sweet 
fruits of so great benefits and such unheard of lib- 
erties amongst us." 

The interest shown by Roger Williams towards his 
"loving countrymen" was duly and deeply appreciated 
by the founder of Aquidneck and the services ren- 
dered were abundantly repaid when in securing the 
charter of the town of Providence, in 1649, the form 
of government of the Rhode Island Colony was made 
the pattern in the first organization of the town of 
Providence, at the head of the bay. 

It appears that the contract between Mr. Codding- 
ton "and his friends" and Canonicus and Miantonomi, 
in the purchase of Aquidneck, was made at Provi- 
dence, soon after the return of the committee from 
their visit to Myles Standish for the purchase of So- 
wams (Barrington). Acting on the advice of the 
Plymouth people which was confirmed by Mr. Wil- 
liams, Aquidneck was bought and Mr. Williams tells 
us he wrote the deed, the first of record of any of 
the lands of Rhode Island, for actual settlement. As 
will be seen, it is only a transfer of a life estate, 
although it was esteemed and treated as a warranty 
instrument by both parties. It is as follows: 



90 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

Deed from Cannonicus and Miantunomu chief 
sachems of the Narragansetts, of the purchase of the 
island of Aquidneck (Rhode Island) to William Cod- 
dington and others. March 24, 1637-38. 
The 24th of ye 1st month called March, in ye yeare 
(soe commonly called) 1637. 

Memorandum. That we Cannonicus andMian- 
tunomu ye two sachims of the Nanhiggansitts, by 
vertue of our generall command of this Bay, as allso 
the perticular subjectinge of the dead Sachims of 
Acquednecke and Kitackamuckqutt, themselves and 
land unto us, have sold unto Mr. Coddington and his 
friends united unto him, the great Island of Acqued- 
necke lyinge from hence Eastward in this Bay, as 
allso the marsh or grasse upon Quinunicutt and the 
rest of the Islands in the Bay (excepting Chibacu- 
wesa (Prudence) formerly sould unto Mr. Winthrop, 
the now Governour of the Massachusetts and Mr. 
Williams of Providence; allso the grasse upon the 
rivers and coves about Kitickamuckqutt and from 
there to Paupausquatch, for the full payment of forty 
fathom of white beads, to be equally divided between 
us. In witness whereof we have here subscribed. 

Item. That by giveinge Miantunnomus ten coates 
and twenty howes to the present inhabitants, they 
shall remove themselves from ofl the Island before 
next winter. 

This deed was signed by the two sachems and wit- 
nessed by Roger Williams and Randall Holden. 



The Founding of Portsmouth. 91 

A fathom of white beads varied in value, at dif- 
ferent periods, from five to ten shillings. Forty 
fathoms of white beads were equal to between two 
hundred and four hundred shilling's, the equivalent 
in American coin of between fifty and one hundred 
dollars. We sometimes satisfy our consciences with 
the reflection that our ancestors paid the Indians for 
their lands but there must be a slight misgiving when 
we consider the fact that all the islands in our bay 
save one, were bought and paid for at so small a cost. 
But then they paid all that the poor red man asked 
and the bargain was a fair one. How could they 
have paid more? 

But there was still larger consideration, for Wana- 
mataunemit, sachem of Aquidneck, acknowledges 
to five fathom of white wampum for his interest in 
the Islands. On the 6th of the fifth month (July) 
Massassoit freely consents and grants to "Mr. Cod- 
dington and his English friends united to him the use 
of any grasse or trees on ye maine land on Powa- 
kasick (Tiverton) side" for five fathom of wampum. 
On the 11th of May, 1639, "Mr. Coddington and his 
friends united" to pay to Miantonomi ten fathomo o£ 
beads, for his "paines and travell in removing the 
natives off of the Island of Aquidneck." 

On the 22nd of November, 1639, Miantonomi re- 
ceipted to Mr. Coddington and his friends united, 
twenty-three coats and thirteen hoes to distribute to 



92 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

the Indians that did inhabit Aquidneck "in full of 
all promises, debts and demands for the said Island, 
and allso two tarkepes." These several payments in 
beads and other valuables constitute the full consid- 
eration for the Aquidneck purchase. 

Under date of April 14, 1652, Mr. Coddington re- 
lates that before leaving Boston in 1638, there was an 
agreement of eighteen persons to make purchase of 
some place to the southward for a Plantation, 
whither they resolved to remove and that "some of 
them were sent out to view a place for themselves and 
such others as they should take in to the libertie of 
freemen and purchasers with them. And upon their 
view was purchased Rhode Island, with some small 
neighboring islands and privileges of grasse and 
wood of the islands in the Bay and maine adjoyninge." 
At this date he delivers up the deeds of the purchases 
and the records to the proper authorities, holding in 
his own right and title only his own proportion. 

On the 27th of September, 1677, Mr. Coddington 
enters on the public records that when he was one 

of the liiagiotrateG of the Maeeachueetts Bay Colony, 

"he was one of the persons that made a peace with 
Caunnonnicus and Mianantonomy in the Collony's 
behalfe of all the Narragansett Indians, and by order 
from the authoritie of the Massachusetts a little be- 
fore they made war with the Pequod Indians." 



The Founding of Portsmouth. 93 

Here then we have the combined statements of 
Dr. John Clarke, Roger Williams and William Cod- 
dington that a plan was formed in Boston for the 
establishment of a new Plantation to the southward; 
that eighteen persons assumed the business of select- 
ing and purchasing lands for the new Plantation; 
that through the acquaintance of Mr. Coddington, 
Mr. Williams and Sir Harry Vane with Canonicus 
and Miantonomi, chief sachems of the Narragan- 
setts, Aquidneck and several other islands in Narra- 
gansett Bay were purchased for money and other 
valuable considerations and deeded to Mr. Codding- 
ton and his associates, in March, 1638, to the full and 
complete satisfaction of all parties concerned. Here 
we are assured that the Aquidneck lands, although 
purchased for what in our time seems a trifle, were 
not an "Indian steal" or "land grab," but an honest 
and an honorable transaction, from which no trouble 
ever arose afterward, either between the parties to 
the contract or between the Colonists as owners, 
either as to the validity of the land titles or the rela- 
tive rights of the settlers who occupied the lands and 
paid their proportion for their individual estates. Too 
great emphasis cannot be laid upon the fact that the 
Aquidneck purchase was not a proprietary, held in the 
interests of a few or of one man, but was, at the out- 
set, bought in fee simple by a group of persons and 
deeded in fee simple to the persons who became 
settlers within the towns and Colony established on 



94 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

the purchase, — warranty deeds being given and re- 
corded within a short time after the original settle- 
ment was made at Pocasset, in 1638. Still more, 
this body of purchasers represented a great body of 
people or families, who, exercised in the doctrine of 
civil and soul freedom at Boston, had calmly and de- 
liberately planned a new foundation, in accord with 
their united convictions, and for the accomplishment 
of these ends had bought a territory, on which to 
plant and develop institutions and homes, on the lines 
of a new civil, social and religious polity. We now 
find our Aquidneck Colonists dealing with realty in 
a manner which shows their high appreciation of the 
possession and full ownership of real estate, in ac- 
cordance with the principles and under the forms of 
well established English laws. Socialism or com- 
munity ownership of land was not regarded an essen- 
tial element of Democracy. Individual ownership of 
real estate was the basis of the family fortune, trans- 
mitted from generation to generation. Its possession 
foreran the erection of houses and the cultivation of 
the fields. Among the first acts of the townspeople 
at Portsmouth was the assignment of lots and a public 
record of the location and owner. On the 20th of 
May, 1638, at Portsmouth, "it is ordered and agreed 
upon that every man's allottment recorded in this 
Book shall be his sufficient evidence for him and his, 
rightly to possess and enjoy." 



The Founding of Portsmouth. 95 

Mr. John Coggeshall, Mr. John Sanford and Mr. 
John Porter were ordered to allot the lands to the 
owners. The price of land was fixed at two shillings 
per acre, "one-half presently, and the other half at 
the end of three months." Mr. John Clarke, Mr. 
Jeflfries, John Porter and Richard Burden were 
ordered to "survey all the lands near abouts and 
bring in a Mapp or Plott of all the said lands." In 
the year 1640, March 1, Nicholas Brown conveyed 
forty-five acres of land to John Wood by a warranty 
deed and about the same date Samuel Gorton con- 
veyed to Philip Sherman, seven acres by the same title. 

With fixed land values, attached to land records, 
civil society has a real basis of equitable taxation, 
without which to provide for the general needs of 
society no progress is possible along lines for civic 
betterment. Without taxable property, real and per- 
sonal, upon which a just rate of assessment may be 
levied no body of people can possess coherency or 
claim autonomy. Public service can be built on 
revenue only, and in order to ensure the proper ends 
of organized society, the subjects of a state rnust con- 
tribute as nearly as possible in proportion to their re- 
spective abilities. Taxation is an essential to the 
social order and to civil government. The Aquid- 
neck Colony recognized this in titular possession of 
estates, in record evidence and in the assessment of 
taxes to meet public needs. It is clearly manifest 
that in the undertaking of a new Plantation in New 



96 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

England, there was motive, forethought, experience 
in government, organization and resources in so large 
a measure of efficiency to establish the Primacy of 
the Aquidneck Colony in all matters pertaining there- 
to. The general reader, the political economist 
and the historian, will note that land estates, land 
records and taxation are chief corner stones in the 
foundation of a Democratic state. 



THE PORTSMOUTH COMPACT. 

Prior to leaving Boston, a compact was drawn up, 
under date of March 7, 1638, by which a number of 
the leading men of the proposed Colony incorporated 
themselves into "A Bodie Politik" to the end that they 
might go to their new Plantation in a formal organi- 
zation, under a chosen leader or Governor. 

The compact is as follows: 

The 7th Day of the First Month, 1638. 

We whose names are underwritten do hereby 
solemnly in the presence of Jehovah incorporate our- 
selves into a Bodie Politick and as He shall help, will 
submit our persons, lives and estates unto our Lord 
Jesus Christ, the King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, 
and to all those perfect and most absolute laws of 
His given in His Holy Word of truth, to be guided 
and judged thereby. 



1 









'i/;;.^ 



Vt^ -i>o^ni 









., .a^- 



'1 






LU 



PORTSMOUTH COMPACT, MARCH 7, 1638 









^.'i 



The Founding of Portsmouth. 97 

Exodus, 24c., 3 :4. 

IlCron., lie, 3. 

II Kings, 11 :17. 
William Coddington, ^^'illiam Dyre, 

John Clarke, ^^'illiam Freeborne, 

William Hutchinson, Jr., Philip Shearman, 

John Coggeshall, John Walker, 

W^illiam Aspinwall, Richard Carder, 

Samuel Wilbore, William Baulston, 

John Porter, Edward Hutchinson, Sr. 

John Sanford, Henry + Bull, 

Edward Hutchinson, Jr., Esq., Randall Holden. 
Thomas Savage, 

This compact was signed originally by twenty- 
three persons. The original paper is in the keeping 
of the Secretary of State, at the State House, Provi- 
dence, a photograph of which appears on the opposite 
page. Four names, — Thomas Clarke, brother of 
John, John Johnson, William Hall and John Bright- 
man, Esq., — follow the nineteen that appear above. 
Erasure marks have been made over these names, 
the reason for which it is not easy to understand as 
the first three were among the first recorded settlers 
of Newport, and Mr. Brightman may have been. 

This compact holds the same relation to the Aquid- 
neck Colony that the Declaration of the Pilgrim 
Fathers, made and signed in the cabin of the May- 
flower, had to the Pilgrim State at Plymouth, Mass. 



98 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

Neither was a Constitution nor a Bill of Rights for a 
Colony. Boston called the compact an act of incor- 
poration. Plymouth called theirs a covenant. Bos- 
ton did the act in "the presence of Jehovah," 
Plymouth v^^rote "in the presence of God." Boston 
formed a "Bodie Politick." Plymouth called theirs 
a "Civill Bodie Politick." Boston submitted their 
"persons, lives and estates unto our Lord Jesus 
Christ."* * * * * "And to all those perfect and most 
absolute lawes of His given us in His Holy word of 
truth, to be guided and judged thereby." Plymouth 
promised submission and obedience to such "just and 
equal lawes, ordinances, acts, constitutions and of- 
fices" as might be enacted, constituted and framed. 
Each compact had for its purpose the formation of a 
civil state under an orderly government. The Boston 
paper was probably written by Dr. John Clarke, whose 
piety and purpose lent a strongly religious sentiment 
to the document, so much so that some historians 
have called it theocratic. But Dr. Clarke did not 
classify The Christ as a theocrat, for all his writings 
make the great Teacher the interpreter of a new De- 
mocracy in which soul-liberty is established and en- 
forced. 

Samuel G. Arnold, our Rhode Island historian, has 
given a very clear and just interpretation of the 
Portsmouth Compact. He says, "So prominent in- 
deed is the religious character of this instrument, 
that it has by some been considered, although erron- 



The Founding of Portsmouth. 99 

eously, as being itself 'a church covenant, which also 
embodied a civil compact.' Their plans were more 
matured than those of the Providence settlers. To 
establish a Colony independent of every other was 
their avowed intention, and the organization of a 
regular government was their initial step. That 
their object was to lay the foundation of a Christian 
state, where all who bore the name might worship 
God according to the dictates of conscience, untram- 
melled by written articles of faith, and unawed by the 
civil power, is proved by their declarations and by 
their subsequent conduct." * * * * 

"The Aquidneck settlements for many years in- 
creased, more rapidly than those on the main land. 
The occasions appear to have been, for the most part, 
from a superior class in point of education and social 
standing, which for more than a century secured to 
them a controlling influence in the Colony. Many of 
the leading men were more imbued with the Puritan 
spirit, acquired by their longer residence in Massa- 
chusetts, which sympathized somewhat more with the 
law than with the liberty of the embryo state. It is 
foreshadowed in the compact and in a few years was 
realized, in action. It had its advantages, however, 
and the chief of these were it enabled the people at 
once to organize a government and strengthened them 
to preserve it better than those of Providence, while 
it also was a means of securing and extending their 



100 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

influence over the other settlements, who looked up 
to them in many things, and received from them their 
first code of law^s." 

The Portsmouth Compact was of the nature of a 
municipal charter. It stated in very general terms 
its purpose, — the formation of a civil government, — 
"a Bodie Politick." It also declared, in the most 
emphatic words, that the state to be organized was to 
be one of just laws, founded on Christian principles, 
and administered by upright men in harmony with 
those purposes and principles. The policy of the 
civil life of the new state was to be made manifest in 
the powers conferred and possessed by the members, 
in the character of the men chosen for office and in 
the functions and operations of the community life. 
The general corporate powers involve civil freedom 
with religious liberty. Will the new Commonwealth 
be true to its general declaration? If it is, it will 
become first among nations in the declaration and en- 
forcement of the rights of universal freedom. 



A Democratic State in the Making. 



101 



CHAPTER VIII. 

A Democratic State in the Making. 

The Portsmouth Compact, in its brief seventy 
words, involves several cardinal doctrines of a free 
state, the elucidation and illustration of which are 
made apparent in the development of the two towns, 
Portsmouth and Newport, as well as in their union as 
the Colony of Rhode Island on Aquidneck. 

The first of these doctrines is that of self-govern- 
ment, on which our several states and our Republic 
have' been built. The founders of Portsmouth 
acknowledged no human authority as their superior. 
They submitted their "persons, lives and estates unto 
our Lord Jesus Christ," and to Him alone. It is 
manifest that freedom,— personal, civil and spiritual, 
was bound up in the doctrine of self-government. 
The denial of religious liberty in a community of self- 
governing citizens, would be a contradiction of rights 
and, it will appear, in all the subsequent history of 
the Aquidneck Colony, that there was never an in- 
stance of the abridgment of the liberties of the 
people in civil or soul concerns, except in restraint 
of criminal acts. So thorough was the Declaration 



102 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

of Independence imbedded in the minds of these Cor- 
porators, that they ignored Colonial relations with the 
mother land, and, so far as our studies entitle us to 
an opinion, hereby constituted and ordained the first 
free state in the world, organized by a body of free- 
men, independent of church or Colonial obligations. 

A second doctrine is this that the civil state is the 
instrument through and by which self-government 
shall be secured and assured. The Portsmouth people, 
in the establishment of the first doctrine, must in- 
corporate themselves "into a Bodie Politick" for the 
very end and purpose of maintaining self-government. 
A community, unincorporated, is a heap of sand, 
blown about by every wind of doctrine, a rope of sand 
with no bonds to hold it together. The entity of a 
state rests on the indissoluble bonds of social and civic 
unity, expressed in legal form and enduring prin- 
ciples. 

A third doctrine of immense value is the legitimacy 
and supremacy of law and the necessity of the civil 
magistrate as the right arm of the civil state for the 
enforcement of law and the protection of society. The 
Portsmouth Compact idealizes common law and the 
ancient English codes, after the style of the Hebrew 
lawgivers, by the expression of hyperbole. "Those 
perfect and most absolute laws of His given us in His 
Holy Word of Truth, to be judged and guided there- 
by." There is no doubt of the sincerity and honesty 



A Democratic State in the Making. 103 

of the declaration and we can but admire the noble 
self-consecration of this new state — the purpose of 
the human to approximate toward the Divine. "Not 
failure but low aim is crime." That self government, 
civil and religious freedom, obedience to law and full 
submission to magistracy were the basic supports of 
the Portsmouth Compact and the Rhode Island 
Colony, we have but to refer to the letter of Dr. John 
Clarke, agent of the Colony of Rhode Island, to 
Charles the Second in 1662. Rhode Island Colonial 
Records, Vol 1, pp. 485, et seq. "Your petitioners 
were necessitated long since for cause of conscience, 
with respect to the worship and service of God to 
take up a resolution to quit their deare and native 
country and all their near and precious relations and 
enjoyments therein, and to expose themselves and 
their families to all the hazards and inconveniences 
which they might meete upon the vast and swelling 
ocean over which they should pass, or in the bar- 
barous and howling wilderness to which they might 
come." * * * * "Where for the aforesaid causes of 
conscience and for peace sake they were also neces- 
sitated to travail further among the barbarians in 
places untrod and with no small hazard to seek out 
a place of habitation (Aquidneck), where, according 
to what was propounded in your petitioners first ad- 
venture, they might with freedome of conscience 
worship the Lord their God as they were persuaded." 



104 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

Dr. Clarke tells the King that his Pilgrim band was 
guided by the Most High "to steere their course into 
the thickest of the most potent provinces and people 
of all that country. * * * * Your petitioners found 
them free to admiration, not only to part with the 
choicest partes of their territoryes (Aquidneck and 
other islands) being no wayes inferiour, for commo- 
dious harbours in all respects to any parts of the 
country, but also to quitt their native, ancient and 
very advantageous stations and dwellings thereon, to 
make roome for them." The above paragraphs from 
Dr. Clarke's long letter refer to the purchase of 
Aquidneck and other islands from Canonicus and 
Miantonomi by Mr. Coddington and his associates, 
March 24, 1638. 

The next paragraph of the letter sets forth to 
King Charles most important facts as to the motive 
of the founding of the Colony of Rhode Island 
(Aquidneck), the establishment of a corporate gov- 
ernment and the adoption of the English code of laws 
and magistracy, "so far forth as the nature and con- 
stitution of the place and the professed cause of their 
conscience would permit." 

Dr. Clarke closes his letter with an earnest appeal 
for a new charter, "whereby under the wing of your 
Royall protection, we may not only be sheltered, but 
caused to flourish in our civill and religious concern- 
ments in these remote parts of the world." 



A Democratic State in the Making. 105 

In a second address to the King for "a charter of 
civill corporation" Dr. Clarke, after further refer- 
ence to "the wonderful passage of the Providence of 
the Most High," writes, "Your petitioners have it 
much on their hearts (if they may be permitted) to 
hold forth a livelie experiment that a flourishing 
Civill State may stand, yea, and best be maintained, 
and that among English spirits, with a full liberty in 
religious concernments, and that true pyety rightly 
grounded upon gospell principles will give the best 
and greatest security to true sovereignty, and will 
lay in the hearts of men the strongest obligations to 
truer loyalty." If the Portsmouth Compact of 1638 
needed any commentary, nothing could be more com- 
plete and satisfactory than the historic setting of the 
instrument and the exact definition of its terms, pur- 
poses and meaning as given by its author, in his suc- 
cessful argument for a Royal Charter. 

As already stated the Portsmouth Compact was 
probably written and signed at Boston, under date of 
March 7, 1638. As it inaugurated for America and 
the world the principle of self-government or popular 
sovereignty, it did not ask or require any municipal, 
state or court sanction. It was the free act of the 
sovereign people themselves, exercising the rights, 
natural and inalienable, to life, liberty and happiness. 
Jehovah was invoked as a witness of this great trans- 
action, unique, singular, the first of its nature in the 



106 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

records of men. Had we naught else than this re- 
markable act of nineteen men at Boston, (or a prob- 
able twenty-three), the Primacy of Portsmouth as an 
absolutely free municipality would be established, but 
we are only at the starting point of a series of events 
which establish our claim beyond peradventure. 

Under date of the Compact appears the election of 
the executive of the sovereign state, with the title of 
Judge. The record is as follows: 

First Election by Freemen. 

The 7th of the first month, 1638. 

We that are Freemen Incorporate of this Bodie 

Politick do Elect and Constitute William Coddington, 

Esquire, a Judge amongst us, and do covenant to yield 

all due honour unto him according to the lawes of 

God, and so far as in us lyes to maintaine the honour 

and privileges of his place which shall hereafter be 

ratified according unto God, the Lord helping us so 

to do. 

William Aspinwall, Scc'ry. 

Oath of Office. 
I, William Coddington, Esquire, being called and 
chosen by the Freemen Incorporate of this Bodie 
Politick to be a Judge amongst them, do covenant to 
do Justice and Judgment impartially according to the 
lawes of God, and to maintaine the Fundamental! 



A Democratic State in the Making. 107 

Rights and Privileges of this Bodie PoHtick, which 
shall hereafter be ratified according unto God, the 
Lord helping us so to do. 

Wm. Coddington. 

William Aspinwall is appointed Secretary. 

It is agreed that William Dyre shall be Clarke of 
this Body. 

As the claim is sometimes made that Connecticut 
was the first of the American Colonies to adopt Dem- 
ocratic ideals in civil affairs it is well to state essential 
differences and agreements as to that plantation and 
Aquidneck. A provincial government was instituted, 
under a Commission from the General Court of Mas- 
sachusetts (March 8, 1635), to eight of the persons 
who "had resolved to transplant themselves and their 
estates unto the River Connecticut." * * * * "that 
Commission taking rise from the desire of the people 
that removed, who judged it inconvenient to go away 
without any form of government." In 1636, March 
3rd, Roger Ludlowe, Esq. and seven others were 
made a Board of Commissioners "with full power 
and authoritie" "for the peaceable and quiett ordering 
the affaires of the said plantacion," Connecticut. In 
later legislation, Massachusetts Bay Colony claimed 
the territory of Connecticut as a Province lying with- 
in its Patent and subject to its control. 



108 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

Concerning the Coddington purchase of Aquidneck 
and other islands in Narragansett Bay, no claims of 
ownership or Patent rights were ever made by any 
Colony and the Indian quit-claim was never disputed 
as a fair title. The first voluntary Compact of the 
Connecticut towns, Windsor, Hartford and Wethers- 
eld, was entered into Jan. 14, 1639, "as one Publike 
State or Commonwealth," to "enter into combination 
and confederation together, to mayntayne and pre- 
searve the liberty and purity of the gospell of our 
Lord Jesus wch we now professe, as also the dis- 
cipline of the churches, which according to the truth 
of the said gospell is now practised amongst us; As 
also in civill afifaires to be gfuided and governed ac- 
cording to such Lawes, Rules, Orders and Decrees as 
shall be made," etc. 

Eleven decrees of the convention of the three towns 
constitute "the Fundamental Orders of Connecticut," 
which Bancroft and other historians denominate the 
first foundations of our American Constitution. As 
to this claim, Channing states correctly that this "cele- 
brated Constitution did little more than to formulate 
on paper the existing government of Massachusetts 
Bay." It agrees with the Aquidneck Declaration in 
the recognition of "Almighty God" as the wise Dis- 
poser of His Divine Providence, and the Word of 
God as the source of both human and Divine Law. 
Both communities ordain officers of the same rank 



A Democratic State in the Making. 109 

and a legislative body with equal powers and privi- 
leges. 

In other matters the differences are important and 
vital. Connecticut makes the civil state primarily the 
sponsor of "the liberty and purity of the Gospell of 
our Lord Jesus." Still more it makes "the discipline 
of the churches" a part of the duty of the state. This 
feature unites Church and State in one and consti- 
tutes a church-state and a state-church — in no sense 
unlike the Puritan church-state of the Bay Colony. 

In the Connecticut "orders," the General Court is 
made the supreme power of the Commonwealth, 
thereby transferring the supremacy of the people to 
a body chosen by and a creature of the people. The 
General Court, consisting of six elective persons be- 
side the Governor, constituted the Colonial Judiciary 
to administer justice according to the laws. This plan 
of uniting the legislative, judicial and executive func- 
tions in one body may have been, as in the Bay Colony, 
a matter of economy in administration, but absolutely 
undemocratic and unwise in principle. It is difficult 
to understand how clear minded historians can find 
the elements of a free republic under such a system. 
The more certain is this conclusion when we state that 
there is no Bill of Rights as to civil or religious liber- 
ties and the peculiar qualification of the Governor 
that he must be a member of the Congregational 
Body, — the established church of the Colony. It is 



110 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

an interesting and most important bit of evidence as 
to the much vaunted civil government of Connecticut, 
that in the charter of 1662, granted by Charles, the 
people "shall have and enjoy all Liberties and Im- 
munities of free and natural Subjects * * * as if they 
and every one of them w^ere born within the realm 
of England." This charter concluded all previous 
Colonial rights and privileges and reduced the people 
to the level of their brethren across the sea. What- 
ever of special republicanism belonged to the Hart- 
ford Colony by the "Orders" of 1635, was abolished 
twenty-seven years later by the Crown. 

In contradistinction to the civil polity of Connecti- 
cut and Massachusetts Bay Colonies, the Aquidneck 
Colony affirms absolute freedom in civil and religious 
concerns, establishes no religious tests for office, pro- 
tects all religious faiths while patronizing none, es- 
tablishes a distinct judiciary, and affirms and practises 
the principles of majority-rule in a Democratic state. 

The Colony of New Haven, the original constitu- 
tion of which was adopted June 4, 1639, was more dis- 
tinctly a church-state community than was Massa- 
chusetts Bay, and no claim has ever been made as to 
its exercise in "Democracie." As all the New 
England Colonies, except Rhode Island (Aquidneck), 
— Massachusetts Bay, Plymouth, Hartford and New 
Haven, — in addition to other limitations on personal 
freedom, not only suspended the operation of all just 



A Democratic State in the Making. Ill 

laws as to the Quakers, but botli approved of and 
practised persecution of this sect in one form or an- 
other, we shall dismiss them as claimants in founding 
a state with religious freedom as a cardinal doctrine, 
limiting our later contention to the claims made in be- 
half of Roger Williams and the Providence Planta- 
tions. 

Dr. Clarke tells us that a portion of the Boston 
party came by vessel, "passing about a large and dan- 
gerous Cape," (Cape Cod). The time was March, 
1638. The day of sailing from Boston is not known, 
nor is the date of arrival in Narragansett Bay. Dr. 
Clarke and some others followed the Indian trail 
through the forests, coming to Providence to consult 
with Roger Williams as to their location. The story 
of the purchase of Aquidneck has been told, and, 
when the overland and seagoing people meet, it is on 
the Island of Acjuidneck, their future home. It is 
probable that the vessel entered the Sakonnet River 
and that emigrants came to land with their household 
goods on the northeast part of the Island of Aquid- 
neck, in a section known by the Indian name Pocas- 
set. The site of the original settlement was at the 
head of the Cove, north of the village of Newtown, 
and is easily located by ancient landmarks. The first 
general meeting of record of the new settlers from 
Boston was held on the 13th day of May, 1638, at 
which were present Messrs. William Coddington, 



112 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

William Hutchinson, John Coggeshall. Edward 
Hutchinson, William Baulston, John Clarke, John 
Porter, Samuel Wilbore, John Sanford, William Free- 
borne, Philip Sherman, John Walker and Randall 
Holden. At this meeting several orders were adopted 
as follows: 

1. None shall be received as inhabitants or free- 
men to build or plant upon the Island but such as shall 
be received in by the consent of the Bodye, and do sub- 
mitt to the Government that is or shall be established, 
according to the word of God. 

2. The Town shall be built at the Springe and 
Mr. William Hutchinson is permitted to have six lots 
for himself and his children, layed out at the Great 
Cove. 

3. An order for a five-rayle fence from Bay to 
Bay, the charge to be borne proportional to allotments 
of land was made and repealed. 

4. An order that every person should have one 
acre of Meadow for a beast, one acre for a sheep and 
one acre and a half for a horse was made and re- 
pealed. 

5. Every Inhabitant of this Island shall be always 
provided of one muskett, one pound of powder, twenty 
bulletts, and two fathom of match, with Sword and 
rest and Bandeliees, all completely furnished. 



A Democratic State in the Making. 113 

6 That the fleeting House shall be set on the 
neck of land that goes to the Maine of the Island 
where Mr. John Coggeshall and ^Ir. John Sanford 
shall lay it out. 

During the year 1638-9 thirteen public town meet- 
ings were held for the transaction of public business. 
The records show allotments of lands to the inhabi- 
tants, with a record of each man's estate in the book 
of land records, May 4, 1638; William Baulston was 
given consent "to erect and sett up a howese of en- 
tertainment for strangers, and also to brew beare and 
to sell wines and strong waters and such necessary 
provisions as may be usefuU in any kind." June 4, 
1638 William Baulston and Edward Hutchinson are 
chosen sergeants of the Traine Bands, Samuel Wil- 
bore clerk, and Randall Holden and Henry Bull cor- 
porals. 

The lands of the Island are rated at two shillings 
per acre, one half to be paid "presently" and the other 
half in three months from date of purchase. 

Mr William Hutchinson and Mr. John Coggeshall 
were chosen Treasurers for the Company, to receive 
and disburse money, as ordered. 

Mr Sanford and four others are ordered to repair 
the highways between Aquidneck and Titicut, to be 
paid out of the treasury. 



114 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

Any Freeman absenting himself from the town 
meeting "to treate upon the Public affaires of the 
Body, upon pubHc warning, (whether by beate of the 
drumm or otherwise), failing one quarter of an hour 
after the second sound shall forfeit twelve pence, or 
if any one departs without leave, the same sum." 

Aug. 20, 1638. A pair of stockes with a whipping 
post was ordered to be made, to be paid for out of the 
treasury. 

Richard Dummer. Nicholas Easton. William Bren- 
ton and Robert Harding were admitted freemen. 

Aug. 23, 1638. A house for a prison was ordered, 
twelve feet long, two feet broad, ten foot studding, of 
sufficient strength and the cost to be paid out of the 
treasury. ]\lr. William Brenton was the builder. 

Mr. Richard Dummer, for building a mill, useful to 
the plantation, was granted an allotment of land equal 
to an estate of £150. 

Randall Holden was chosen town marshall "for one 
whole year." 

Sept. 15. 1638. Eight persons were arraigned "for 
a riott or drunkenness." Two were sentenced to pay 
5s. apiece and "to sett till the evening in the stockes" ; 
one to pay 5s. and "sett one houre in the stockes" and 
four were fined 5s. each for default. 



A Democratic State in the Making. 115 
Acommittee was chosen to view damages done 
upon corn and other fruits. 

Nov. 5. 1638. The 12th of November was set 
apart as '"a general day of Trayning for the Exer- 
cise of those who are able to beare armes in the arte 
of military discipline," for males between 16 and 50 
years of age. Three and six-acre house lots were laid 
out by Mr. Sanford and Mr. Jeffries. 

It was ordered that Mr. Edward Hutchinson shall 
bake bread for the use of the plantation, and that his 
bread for the assize shall be ordered by that body. 

Nov 16. 1638. Mr. Nicholas Easton was granted 
an extra allotment of land for setting up a water 
mill "for the necessary use and good of the planta- 
tion." 

John Lutner. a carpenter, having left the Island 
without paying his debts, Messrs. Brenton and Cog- 
geshall were ordered to seize his house and furniture 
to pay his debts, after appraisal of his property. 

Messrs. Coggeshall, Hutchinson, Wilbore and Dyer 
are chosen as a committee to buy venison of the In- 
dians for three half-pence a pound, and these truck- 
masters are ordered to sell the meat at two pence per 
pound, a farthing to be paid into the Treasury, and 
the rest to the committee for their services. 



116 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

Jan. 2, 1638-9. At this meeting it was decided to 
choose three Elders "to assist the Judge in the execu- 
tion of Justice and Judgment for the regulating and 
ordering of all offences and offenders; and for the 
drawing up and determining of all such Rules and 
Laws as shall be according to God, which may con- 
duce to the Good and Welfare of the community." 
The Judge and the Elders were made accountable to 
the Body of Freemen, once each quarter of the year, 
for all "cases actions and rules" which they have 
acted on, which could then be vetoed or repealed by 
that Body. 

At the first election Mr. Nicholas Easton, Mr. John 
Coggeshall and Mr. William Brenton were chosen 
Elders as Assistants to Judge William Coddington. 

Mr. John Clarke, Mr. Jeffries. John Porter and 
Richard Barden were chosen to "survey all the lands 
near abouts and bring in a Mapp or Piatt of all the 
said lands and so to make Report to the Judge and 
Elders, whereby they may receive information and 
direction for the distribution to each man his prop- 
erty." 

The Judge and Elders were instructed to deal with 
William Aspinwall concerning defaults, "as also con- 
cerning Invasions forreine anl domestick as also the 
determination of Military discipline, and the dispos- 
ing of lands as well as the howse lotts and impropria- 
tions." 




HENRY BULL HOUSE 

Built 1639-40 

NEWPORT. R I. 



A Democratic State in the Making. 117 

Jan. 11, 1638-9. "The Body being assembled with 
the Judge and Elders it was agreed (as necessary) 
for the Commonwealth, that a Constable and Ser- 
geant should be chosen by the Body to execute the 
Lawes and penalties thereof." There follows in the 
records a statement of the duties of each officer. 

Samuel Wilbore was chosen Constable and Henry 
Bull Sergeant and both were "invested with the au- 
thority aforesayed and what else shall be found meet 
to concure with the office." 

It was voted that the prison be set near to or ad- 
joining the house of Henry Bull, the Sergeant. 

April 30, 1639. It was ordered that a Court be 
field every quarter, "to doe right betwixt man and 
man," by a jury of twelve men, "also to put an end 
to any Controversy, if it amount not to the value of 
fortie shillings." 

On the same day, the Freemen of Pocasset acknow- 
ledged themselves "the legall subjects of his Majestie 
King Charles" and in his name bound themselves 
"into a civill body politique, unto his lawes accord- 
ing to matters of justice." At the same meeting, a 
Judge was elected "by the major voice." 

Farms for grain were laid out, ranging in size 
from thirty to four hundred acres. 



118 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

On March 1, 1640, the first warranty deed appears 
of forty-five acres of land from Nicholas Brown to 
John Wood. 

We have been thus particular in noting the prin- 
cipal events of record as to the founding of Ports- 
mouth and the town proceedings of the first year, for 
the purpose of showing the orderly procedure of the 
settlers of the new town on Aquidneck, called at first 
by the Indian name Pocasset. We see before our 
own eyes a town in the making. The several acts are 
so natural, so regular and so well matured that they 
seem, as they really are, the product of a long experi- 
ence in civic building. By the records or between the 
lines we read of no personal differences, disputes or 
divisions. Their public deeds are so unanimous that 
they seem as the deed of a single person. The com- 
mon weal augurs the founding of a strong Common- 
wealth. Each member renders essential aid in the 
perfect jointure of all the parts. There are no quarrels 
or fights over lands, or titles, or offices, or Covenants 
of Works or Grace. Pocasset is a family of families 
so far as all living evidence can be produced. A site 
is chosen for the town, near the Great Cove. Home 
lots of six acres are at once laid out, houses are built, 
gardens and fields planted, lands are surveyed, platted 
and allotted for farms, town officers are elected, a 
town treasury established, public money is provided 
for by sale of lands, fences are built, cattle, 



A Democratic State in the Making. 119 

horses and sheep are secured, family and neighbor- 
hood protection is assured by the provision for fire 
arms, a Meeting House is ordered built, a town com- 
mon laid out, a house of entertainment or tavern is 
agreed upon, where "beare" may be brewed and wines 
and other "strong waters" bought and sold. Train 
Bands are organized, officers chosen and training 
days established, highways are laid out and highway 
surveyors chosen, their labor to be paid out of the 
town treasury, town meetings often bi-monthly are 
called by the "beate of the Drumm," and a shilling 
fine levied on a late comer, town stocks and a whip- 
ping post were built with treasury money and in less 
than a month three men, arrested and found guilty 
"for a Riott of Drunkenness," were paying a portion 
of the judicial penalty with their arms and legs pin- 
ioned between the oak beams. The erection of a prison, 
though small in its dimensions is proof of the purpose 
to shut up sturdy offenders in law breaking and the 
choice of Henry Bull as town sergeant was an abso- 
lute guaranty that culprits would serve out their terms 
of commitment. With Samuel Wilbore as Constable, 
"to inform in Generall of all manifest breaches of the 
Law of God, that tend to civill disturbance" and with 
Judge William Coddington and his associates on the 
bench "for the regulating and ordering of all offences 
and offenders," it is absolutely certain that the "Mag- 
istracy" was not a by-word nor a hissing at Pocasset, 
in 1638. 



120 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

To provide good corn meal, the chief ingredient of 
the renowned "Rhode Island Johnny Cake" two mills 
are provided, a wind and a water, and a land bounty 
falls to the owners. To provide venison, truck 
masters are chosen, who are authorized to pay three 
cents a pound to the Indians, to be sold at four cents, 
dividing the one penny between themselves and the 
town treasury. To provide good bread, corn and rye, 
Mr. Edward Hutchinson was chosen town baker. 
Here then, on the Island of Aquidneck in Narragan- 
sett Bay, at Pocasset, was founded, in the year 1638, 
an American town on new lines. The founders were 
well-to-do, intelligent families of English birth. While 
in England, they belonged to the liberal Puritan ele- 
ment. They left England that they might enjoy the 
largest liberty as to their religious beliefs, consistent 
with the doctrines of a civil state of the Democratic 
type. Coming to Boston between the years 1630 and 
1638, they had experienced all the trials and dangers 
of a pioneer life, in which a severe climate, a wilder- 
ness land, and tribes of barbarous men were their 
chief welcome. Here they had had their first experi- 
ence in the practical affairs of founding a town, in 
which most of the men and women were among the 
chief actors. Coddington, Coggeshall, the Hutchin- 
sons, Aspinwall, Savage, Brenton and others had been 
elected and filled with honor, for successive years, of- 
fices of honor, trust and service. Most of them had 
been members of the First Church of Boston and two 
were Deacons, at the time of discipline. 



A Democratic State in the Making. 121 

In the year 1634, a new thought, born in the breast 
of a bright-minded English woman, Anne Hutchin- 
son, is announced and taught in Boston and is ac- 
cepted as truth by the majority of the people of the 
Town. That thought embraced in its unfolding all 
the more modern concepts of a free spiritual faith in 
a free state. To our minds, it was involved in terms 
often ambiguous and perplexing, but it was so real 
in that day that its free discussion and long accept- 
ance threatened the existence of the Puritan church 
and Colony. We have already, in another chapter, 
related the incident and its outcome. Church disci- 
pline, social and official ostracism, and civil disbar- 
ment and banishment follow in c^uick succession, and 
a whole township of people, — men, women, children, 
babes in arms, — was forced to part with homes, built 
and comfortably furnished, leaving lands, businesses 
and other property interests practically confiscated 
and abandoned, for a second sea voyage to erect a 
new Plantation, in the Narragansett Country, — a 
terra incognita to these Pilgrims of a new civil polity 
and spiritual vision. United as they have been at 
Boston, in social, civil and church relations, in doc- 
trinal accord in matters of soul freedom, these people 
are bound as with bands of steel in one purpose to 
erect a "Body Politick," of a new pattern, the primacy 
of which must challenge the judgment of men. 



122 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 



CHAPTER IX. 

The Founding of Newport. 

At Pocasset, on the 28th day of April, 1639, the 
following agreement was made by a portion of the 
founders of that community. 

Agreement. 

It is agreed by us whose hands are underwritten, 
to propagate a Plantation in the midst of the Island 
or elsewhere ; And doe engage ourselves to bear equall 
charges, answerable to our strength and estates in 
common ; and that our determinations shall be by 
major voice of Judges and Elders ; the Judge to have 
a double voice. 

Present. 

William Coddington, Judge. John Clarke 

Nicholas Easton, Jeremy Clarke 

John Coggeshall, Thomas Hazard 

William Brenton, Henry Bull. 

William Dyre, Cl'k. 

Several important reasons led to the separation of 
the first settlers of Pocasset and the founding of a 








1 '*•'• . ,^>.-*?vT*«pSt*7 



GOV. WILLIAM CODDINGTON HOUSE 
NEWPORT, R. I. 



The Founding of Newport. 123 

new town at the South end of Aquidneck. The first 
was the influx of a large number of faniihes from 
Boston to the Pocasset settlement. In addition to 
those who were banished or ostracised, leaving the 
Bay Colony by compulsion, many of Anne Hutchin- 
son's associates in the school of freedom followed her 
to and made homes on the Island. Boston's great loss 
was Pocasset's great gain. It is estimated that one 
hundred families came to the new town in the first 
year, 1638, thereby forming a large body of claimants 
for land, extending their homesteads over a large 
section of the North end of the Island. 

A second reason lay in the fact that the first settle- 
ment was made in great haste, after the purchase of 
Aquidneck. The purchase was made while the main 
body of the people were sailing on an undetermined 
voyage from Boston to Narragansett Bay and the 
first town was located on Sakonnet River, near their 
landing place. No survey had been made of the 
Island and the first eligible location invited occupa- 
tion. During the year 1638 the whole area had been 
visited and a portion of the company saw, in the com- 
modious, land-locked waters of the lower Narragan- 
sett, a future harbor for shipping, trade and commerce 
and in the surrounding lands, fertile soils and com- 
manding sites for residences. The names of Easton, 
Brenton and Clarke, the earliest residents, survive in 
local geographical usage, in and about the city of 
Newport. 



124 The Story of Dr. Johx Clarke. 

It does not appear that any denominational differ- 
ences had arisen, nor do the records show any but 
the most cordial relations existing among the settlers 
of the Island before and after the formation of the 
new town, Newport. It is well known, however, that 
Dr. John Clarke was an ordained minister of the 
Baptist faith, and that in the year 1644, the First 
Baptist Church was organized at Newport, with Dr. 
Clarke as its minister. It is a matter of more than 
passing note that Dr. Clarke conducted public wor- 
ship for both the Congregational and Baptist elements 
on Aquidneck from 1638 to 1644, with the interval of 
a few months, when Mr. Robert Lenthal taught a 
public school at Newport and conducted religious ser- 
vices at the Newport Congregational meeting house. 
As a meeting house was built at Portsmouth for public 
worship in 1638, Rev. John Callender in his "Century 
Sermon" wrote, "there is no reason to think that per- 
sons of their zeal (Portsmouth and Newport) should 
immediately fall into a total neglect of a social wor- 
ship." As the Baptists were a despised and perse- 
cuted sect in England and in Massachusetts Bay 
Colony, we have here a fine illustration of the 
Catholic, tolerant spirit of the Aquidneck founders, 
not only in following Dr. John Clarke in civil leader- 
ship, but in adopting him and his teachings in spiritual 
leadership. It was no ordinary Puritan congregation 
to which Dr. Clarke ministered, for, at the double 
Sunday services, there sat in the pews, William Cod- 



The Founding of Newport. 125 

dington, Judge, Anne Hutchinson, reformer, Deacons 
Coggeshall and Aspinwall, the Brentons, Bulls, 
Eastons, and, not least, his own brothers, Joseph and 
Thomas Clarke, who joined him in organizing a 
Baptist Church at Newport. Here certainly was 
Simon-pure religious freedom, in a community taught 
at Boston by the broad-minded, liberal Anne Hutchin- 
son. 

xA-t the first meeting of the town's people it was 
agreed that the Plantation should be called Newport 
and should extend towards Pocasset for the space of 
five miles, and Mr. John Clarke, Mr. Jeffreys, Thos. 
Hazard and William Dyer were chosen to lay out the 
lands and highways, allowing to each family a home 
lot of four acres. Trade with the Indians was made 
free for all people. ]\Ir. Robert Jeffries was chosen 
town treasurer. The Secretary, Mr. Dyer, was paid 
£19 and ten acres of land for services. It was agreed 
that in the Quarter Courts, the determination of 
matters was by majority vote, the Judge having two 
votes. 

On the 25th of December, 1639, the town affirmed 
its allegiance to King Charles, "as Natural subjects 
to our Prince, and subject to his Lawes, all matters 
that concern the Peace shall be by those that are 
officers of the Peace, transacted ; and all actions of the 
case or Dept shall be in such Courts as by order are 
here appointed, and by such Judges as are Deputed." 



126 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

Mr. Jeremy Clarke was chosen Constable for one 
year. Mr. William Foster was chosen "Clerke of the 
Traine Band" and was ordered to report on the con- 
dition of the Arms. Robert Jeffries was chosen as 
drill master of the Military Company. It was ordered 
"that noe man shall go two miles from the Towne un- 
armed, eyther with Gunn or Sword, and that none 
shall come to any public meeting without his weapon. 
Upon default of eyther he shall forfeit five shillings." 
Commissioners were chosen to negotiate business with 
Pocasset. At the same meeting (1639), Mr. Easton 
and John Clarke were instructed to inform Mr. Vane, 
(Harry) by writing, of the state of things here "and 
desire him to treate about the obtaining a Patent of 
the Island from his Majestic, and likewise to write 
to Mr. Thomas Burrwood, brother to Mr. Easton, 
concerning the same thing." 

On the 3rd of December, 1639, John Bartlett and 
John Hadson were fined five shillings each for "the 
Breach of the Peace, by their excess in drinking." A 
fortnight later, Mr. Easton was fined five shillings 
for "coming to the public meeting without his 
weapon." At this meeting orders were issued as to 
building post and rail fences, the restraint of hogs, 
provision for bulls, — one for every twenty cows, 
keepers for herds of cattle, and the firing of lands 
after March the first. The Treasurer was ordered to 
"provide forthwith a pair of Stocks and a whipping 



The Founding of Newport. 127 

post to be sett in some place as he shall have order 
for, in ye town of Niewport." 

We have seen that Boston was the seat of the 
school of a liberal Democracy and of tolerance in re- 
ligious concerns. We have also seen a colony of 
families forced to separate from the Massachusetts 
Bay Colony, on account of their decided convictions 
as to civil and religious freedom, in opposition to a 
Puritan theocracy. Assured in conscience, united by 
a persistent and in a measure, a subtle persecution for 
conscience's sake in spiritual things, this large body 
of people consult, plan, decide, act. Led in their exo- 
dus by Dr. John Clarke, ably seconded by William 
Coddington, Anne Hutchinson and other very com- 
petent and experienced persons, Aquidneck was pur- 
chased, a civil compact of incorporation was drawn 
and signed at Boston, and a vessel load of emigrants 
with their personal belongings sail from Boston, for 
an unknown port, leaving homes, lands, businesses be- 
hind them, in their search for the land of their day- 
dreams, — a land of absolute freedom. The sacrifice 
was great, but their vision of a land of Freedom, re- 
strained their tears and silenced heart throbbings. 
This was the initial act in founding the Common- 
wealth of Rhode Island on Aquidneck, in 1638. 

The second act appears in the settlement and or- 
ganization of the two towns, Portsmouth, 1638, and 
Newport in 1639, by this English Massachusetts Bay 



128 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

Colony company. The records of the planting of 
these towns occupy eighty-four pages of the first 
volume of the Rhode Island Colonial Records. — pages 
45-128, inclusive, to which reference is made and the 
contents are entered as an essential factor of my ar- 
gument. In Chapter I. will be found an outline of 
the fundamentals of a sovereign state, — of such im- 
portance as to command a reading. This outline 
combines a body of men and women, in general agree- 
ment in faith and polity, with an intelligent under- 
standing of the relations of the individual to civil 
society. A charter or compact is adopted embracing 
the basic principles of the inchoate state, with condi- 
tions and limitations as to freemanship and all the 
institutions, functions and officials for the establish- 
ment of orderly government. It is of the utmost im- 
port that rules and laws be established for protecting 
the rights of life, liberty, property and reputation and 
the choice and installation of all officials for the safe- 
guarding the whole people and the execution of the 
laws adopted by the body politic. Reviewing the 
records of the two towns, Portsmouth. 1638, and 
Newport, 1639, we find, 

First, A large body of people of Boston and other 
towns in The Bay Colony, in the years 1637 and 8. 
made plans to found a new Plantation and sent out 
scouts. North and South, for a satisfactory location 
for settlement. 



The Founding of Newport. 129 

Second, All were in accord as to matters of religious 
faith and civil polity, holding to absolute freedom in 
spiritual concerns, within the bonds of a Democratic 
state. 

Third, A civil Compact was formed at Boston under 
date of March 7 , 1638, as the basis of law and order 
in the Commonwealth to be established, wherein the 
teachings of Jesus had full recognition. 

Fourth, The gravity of the transaction appears in 
the breaking up of newly established homes and of 
business, the severance of social and church ties and 
the second endeavor of many families, moved by a 
common motive, to found homes and civil society in 
accord with their ideas and consciences as to Liberty. 

Fifth, Aquidneck and other Islands in Narragan- 
sett Bay were purchased for the future home of the 
Colonists from The Bay Colony, under date of March 
24, 1638. 

Sixth, The body of emigrants took ship at Boston, 
voyaged to Aquidneck, landed in the neighborhood of 
the shores of Mount Hope Bay, and located their first 
town, called Pocasset, the Indian name of the place, 
in the Northeastern part of their Island purchase, in 
1638. 

Seventh, A year later, April 28, 1639, a second town, 
called Newport, was established at the South end of 
the Island Aquidneck, by the same body essentially 
that founded Pocasset, the year previous. 



130 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

Eighth, Both towns established practically the same 
body of laws and were both, as civil bodies, at first, 
under the guidance of a Judge elected by a majority 
vote, and later under an added magistracy of three 
Elders or Aldermen, constituting a Justice's Court as 
well as a legislative body, for each town. 

Ninth, Lands were allotted to the amount of six 
acres for home lots and farm outlands, according to 
the needs and financial ability of the purchaser, at a 
uniform price of two shillings an acre. 

Tenth. Town officers were elected by majority vote 
of the Freemen and consisted of a Judge, three Elders 
or Aldermen, a Clerk, a Treasurer, a Surveyor, a 
Constable, a Sergeant, Surveyors of Highways, a 
Plantation Baker, and several committees for specific 
ends. 

Eleventh, Among the institutions established by 
each town, the first year, were a Meeting House, a 
prison, stocks and whipping posts, a Court of Justice, 
pounds for cattle, wind and water mills, taxation and 
a town treasury, the issuance and records of deeds 
and land titles, a military train or band regularly 
officered, training days, public houses for entertain- 
ment of man and beast, a ferry established to the 
main land, arms and ammunition provided for family 
and general defence, a nightly town watch, provisions 
for the poor, and in the year 1640, the town of New- 



The Founding of Newport. 131 

port set up a public school, set apart lands for school 
purposes and chose Mr. Robert Lenthal as the first 
public school teacher of the town. 

Tzvelfth, Town meetings were held regularly at 
which all public affairs were considered and decided 
by the major vote, lateness in attendance or absence 
being punishable by a fine. The town council as it 
may be termed, acted in the absence of instructions, 
but its acts could be negatived by vote of the Freemen. 
Courts of Justice were held quarterly or as cases 
might demand consideration. Magistracy was held 
in high repute and fines and other punishment ad- 
ministered irrespective of rank of the offender. Town 
governments thus established, at the outset, by people, 
who, both in England and at Boston and other Bay 
Colony towns had been accustomed to orderly ad- 
ministration of civic affairs, continued in establishing 
order, systematic procedure, and a high standard of 
public service. 

But what is most significant is the absolute fact 
that all this inauguration of government, laws, insti- 
tutions, legal processes, public taxation, etc., etc., in a 
wilderness land, under strangely new conditions, was 
accomplished with but few hindrances, and so far as 
the records show, with a remarkably unanimity and 
large consideration for the public weal. 

Another fact stands high above all others. It is 
this, — no person within the compass of the two towns, 



132 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

Portsmoutli and Newport, later the Colony of Rhode 
Island, was ever called to a Court of Inquisition for 
his religious belief or practise and no person was ever 
deprived of his liberty and civic freedom in opinion 
and action, except for crime. 




Founding of Rhode Island. 133 



CHAPTER X. 

The Founding of The Colony of Rhode Island 
ON Aquidneck. 

The history of the first year of the towns of Ports- 
mouth and Newport shows that the founders were 
men of thought and action, united in purpose and pur- 
suing it vigorously, courageously. The Island of 
Aquidneck was a land of forests. The first houses 
were built of the live timber, oak, pine, maple, grow- 
ing on the lands of the planters. The breaking of 
the virgin soil by mattock and spade was no holiday 
affair, for an acre of ground must be cultivated to 
support each member of the family. Deer, bears, 
foxes, wolves inhabitated the forests of the Island 
and Main. Clams and fish abounded and these fish 
and meat supplies with beans, corn and rye bread and 
Rhode Island Johnny cakes constituted the food of 
the founders. Little wonder that they were healthy 
and well filled with ambition and energy for their 
great, masterly undertaking, — the building a Free 
Commonwealth. 

It is worthy of note that both towns were founded 
by the same persons, thereby ensuring the construe- 



134 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

tion of the same town organization and preserving 
mutual friendship and coherency. One looks in vain 
for evidences of disorder, quarrels, local or town dis- 
sensions. Differences in opinion and action are the 
best proofs of a healthy individualism, and such dif- 
ferences undoubtedly existed, or the society could not 
have been human. It may be asserted, without fear 
of contradiction, that the settlers of Aquidneck were 
freer from disturbing agencies than any other Amer- 
ican Colony or settlement. The next step in advance 
of a well regulated town government was the founda- 
tion of a state by the union of the two towns, under 
one general government. It has been noted that "the 
Body Politicke in the He of Aqethnec, inhabiting," 
on the 25th of November, 1639, did instruct Mr. 
Easton and Mr. John Clarke to write to Sir Harry 
Vane, their former associate and sympathetic friend 
in Boston, to treat with King Charles for "obtaining 
a Patent of the Island from his Majestie." 

Four months later, on the 12th of March, 1640, at 
the general election in the town of Newport, a dele- 
gation from the town of Pocasset, consisting of Mr. 
William Hutchinson, Mr. William Baulston, Mr. 
John Sanford, John Porter, Adam Mott, William 
Freeborne, John Walker, Philip Sherman, Richard 
Carder and Randall Holden, presented themselves, 
and, in behalf of the town of Pocasset, asked to be 
"reunited" to the Newport government, and the clerk 



Founding of Rhode Island. 135 

of the town of Newport records the fact, "are readily 
embraced by us." By this simple act of affirmation 
a colony was formed, the first among men "holding 
forth a lively experiment that a flourishing civill state 
may stand, yea, and best be maintained, and that 
among English spirits, with a full liberty in religious 
concernments." On the 12th day of March, 1640, 
the two towns united at Newport, by unanimous 
agreement , to form the Colony which, later, assumed 
the name of the Island, Rhode Island, thereby assur- 
ing the Primacy of Rhode Island on Aquidneck as a 
Democratic state. 

The legislation, accompanying this great act of new 
sovereignty was as follows: "It is ordered that the 
Chiefe Magistrate of the Island shall be called Gov- 
ernour, and the next Deputie Governour, and the rest 
of the Magistrates Assistants, and this to stand for 
a decree." "It is agreed, that the Governour and two 
Assistants shall be chosen in one town, and the 
Deputy Governour and two other Assistants in the 
other town." "It is ordered that the plantation at the 
other end of the Island shall be called Portsmouth." 

The following officers of the new state were then 
elected : 

Governor, ]\Ir. William Coddington. 
Deputy Governor, Mr. William Brenton. 



136 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

Assistants, 

Mr. Nicholas Easton, 

Mr. John Coggeshall, 

Mr. William Hutchinson, 

Mr. John Porter. 



Treasurers, 



Mr. Robert Jeffreys, 
Mr. William Baulston. 



Secretary, William Dyer. 
Constable for Newport, Mr. Jeremy Clarke. 
Constable for Portsmouth, Mr. John Sanford. 
Sergeant, Henry Bull. 

It was ordered that the Governor and Assistants 
be invested with the powers and offices of Justice of 
the Peace. 

It was ordered that five men be chosen to lay out 
the lands belonging to the town of Portsmouth and 
five for Newport. 

By a majority vote of each town, the Freemen were 
authorized to select certain men to allot the public 
lands to settlers, and when laid out to record the same 
at the General Court. 

At the General Court of the two towns, held on 
May 6th, 1640, at Newport, it was enacted as a war 
measure, "that in each Plantation there bee this forme 
dulie observed ; that as soone as notice is given of any 
probable incursion, that then forthwith Three 



Founding of Rhode Island. 137 

Musketts be distinctly discharged and the Drum or 
Drummes incessantly to beat an Alarum; and that 
forthwith each Man bearing armes shall repair to the 
coulers (colors), which shall be lodged at ye Chief 
Magistrates Howse in each Plantation, as he will 
answer at his perill." As is well known, the danger 
of hostile acts was feared from the Indians and from 
the Dutch, then occupying Manhattan. 

It was also ordered, that the "Particular Courts, 
consisting of Magistrates and Jurors shall be holden 
on the first Tuesday of each month ; and one Courte to 
be held at Newport, the other at Portsmouth ; and the 
sayd Court shall have full powre to judge and deter- 
mine all such cases and actions as shall be presented." 

As students of civil government lay great stress 
upon the judicial functions of a state it is well to say 
that, at the outset of the Aquidneck planting, a Judge 
was the Chief Magistrate, fulfilling both civil and 
judicial functions, holding sessions of the Court, at 
least monthly. Later, Quarterly Courts were es- 
tablished and three Elders or Aldermen were added 
to the Court and Magistracy. After the union of 
Portsmouth and Newport, under one general govern- 
ment, the judiciary system was revised and trial by 
jury instituted. The magistrates of each town had 
authority to call a Court, every first Tuesday of each 
month at Newport and every first Thursday of each 
month at Portsmouth, wherein actions might be 



138 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

entered, juries empannelled and causes tried, provided 
it was not "in the matter of life and limb." An 
appeal could be taken from the lower or town Court 
to the Court of Quarter Sessions, held upon the four 
Quarter Days, which were the first Tuesday in July 
and the first Tuesday in January, the Wednesday 
after the 12th of March and the Wednesday after the 
12th of October. The last two were styled Parlia- 
mentary or General Courts. The Judges of these 
several Courts followed the precepts of the English 
Common Law and all writs and processes were ac- 
cording to English practise. 

Two other important orders issued from the Gen- 
eral Court, held at Portsmouth, August 6th, 1640. 
One related to the organization, equipment and train- 
ing of the militia or Train Bands of the two towns, 
with exemptions and penalties prescribed. This order 
provided for eight musters in each Plantation of one 
day each "to attend their coulers by eight of the clock 
in the morning" and "openlie in the field be exercised 
by their Commanders and Officers." In addition to 
the eight town drills each year, two General JNIusters 
were held, "one to be disciplined at Newport, the 
other at Portsmouth." 

The second order, perhaps first in importance, re- 
lated to town and Colony treasuries to the end, "that 
each town shall have a joynt and an equal supply of 
the Money in the Treasury for the necessary uses of 



Founding of Rhode Island. 



139 



the same," the Governor, Deputy Governor and one 
Assistant from each town being named to warrant 
the receipts and expenditures "according to the de- 
termination of the Major Vote of the Townsmen." 
These two general orders provided for the financial 
affairs of towns and Colony and the protection of the 
people by a disciplined militia, — both the sinews of 
Peace and War. 




140 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 



CHAPTER XL 

Rhode Island on Aquidneck, A Commonwealth. 

The union of the two towns, Portsmouth and New- 
port, in 1640, prepared the way for the final act in 
the Declaration of Rights of a Colonial state. At 
the General Court of Election began and held at Ports- 
mouth, from the 16th to the 19th of March, 1641, the 
two towns being assembled, enacted as follows : 

A Democratic State. 

"It is ordered and unanimously agreed upon, 
that the Government which this Bodie Politick 
doth attend unto in this Island, and the Juris- 
diction thereof, in favour of our Prince is a 
DEMOCRACIE, or Popular Government; that 

IS TO SAY, It IS IN THE POWRE OF THE BoDY OF FrEE- 
MEN ORDERLY ASSEMBLED, OR THE MAJOR PART OF 
THEM, TO MAKE OR CONSTITUTE JuST LaWS, BY 
WHICH THEY WILL BE REGULATED, AND TO DEPUTE 
FROM AMONG THEMSELVES SUCH MINISTERS AS SHALL 
SEE THEM FAITHFULLY EXECUTED BETWEEN MaN AND 

Man." 



Rhode Island, A Commonwealth. 141 

Religious Liberty. 

"It was further ordered by the authority of 
this present courtej that none bee accounted a 
Delinquent for Doctrine: Provided, it be not 

DIRECTLY repugnant TO YE GOVERNMENT OR LaWES 

established." 

The State Seal. 
"It IS ORDERED that a Manual Seal shall be 

PROVIDED FOR The StaTE, AND THAT THE SiGNETT OR 

Engraving thereof, shall be a Sheafe of Arrows 
bound up, and in the LiEss OR Bond, this motto 
indented: 

"Amor Vincet Omnia." 
Land Tenure on Aquethneck. 

It is Ordered, Established and Decreed, unani- 
monslie, that all men's Proprieties in their Lands of 
the Island, and the Jurisdiction thereof, shall be such, 
and soe free, that neyther the State nor any Person 
or Persons shall intrude into it, molest him in itt, to 
deprive him of anything zvhatsoever that is, or shall 
be zvithin that or any of the bounds thereof; and that 
this Tenure and Propriety of his therein shall be con- 
tinued to him or his; or to whomsoever he shall assign 
it for Ever. 



142 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

The election of officers at this General Court, 1641, 
resulted as follows: 

Governor, William Coddington. 
Deput}' Governor, William Brenton. 

/ John Coggeshall, 

) Robert Harding, 
Assistants, < ^,..„. ^ , 

I William Baulston, 

V John Porter. 
Secretary, William Dyer. 

( William Baulston, 

Treasurers, ) -n, , ^ j „- 

' Robert Jeoftreys. 

Thomas Gorton, 



Sergeants, , ^enrv Bull 



(Th 

Constables, ) ^^ 

■ H( 



Thomas Cornell, 
lenry Bishop. 

The several acts of the Portsmouth General Court, 
March, 1641, were the final Declaration of a Democ- 
racy in civil afifairs with religious liberty in matters 
spiritual in the Colony of Rhode Island on Aquidneck. 
The mind of a master Statesman must have dictated 
the two orders that declared the principles of the 
founders of the two towns, parties to the compact. 
In this brief instrument of less than a hundred words 
is embodied the principle of Popular Sovereignty, the 
doctrine of the Supremacy of Just Lan's and the al- 
legiance of the people to the Magistrates, chosen by 
the major vote of the electorate. 



Rhode Island, A Commonwealth. 143 

Still further, no person could be called to judgment 
in matters of religious faith, doctrine or practise, un- 
less such practise should be repugnant to the laws or 
government of the State. 

We have already seen that the doctrines of civil and 
religious f^-eedom had been under debate for centuries 
before the Pilgrims crossed the Atlantic and that 
great minds had declared and great souls had, in the 
face of persecution and physical death, testified to 
their faith in the rights of man. Colonial life in 
America had for years experimented with certain 
features of individual and civic freedom, but it was 
given to a great body of men and women, founders 
of the Colony of Rhode Island on Aquidneck, setting 
small estimate on doctrinal polemics and erratic lead- 
ership, with profound convictions and clear vision, to 
found a Colonial Commonwealth, dedicated to civil 
and soul liberty, thereby establishing the first state in 
the world with institutions, laws and administration 
in harmony with the principles of Justice, Equality 
and Fraternity among men. To give emphasis to this 
great transaction, the Decree of a Free State was 
adopted unanimously, and sealed with the most fitting 
motto, "Anion Vincet Omnia, — Love Will Conquer 
All Things." 

On the 17th of September, 1641, at Newport, the 
General Court of Freemen ordered that "if any Person 
or Persons on the Island, whether Freeman or Inhabi- 



144 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

tant, shall by any meanes, open or covert, endeavor 
to bring in any other Powre than what is now estab- 
lished (except it be by our Prince by Lawfull com- 
mission), shall be accounted a delinquent under the 
head of Perjurie." 

"It is ordered that the Law of the last Court made 
concerning Libertie of Conscience in Doctrine is per- 
petuated." 

A Free School in 1640. 

In testimony to the intelligence and farsighted 
policy of the founders of the Colony, permanent pro- 
vision was made for education by setting apart public 
lands, building school houses and providing land and 
salary for a teacher. Mr. Robert Lenthall taught the 
free school in Newport from 1640 to 1642. 

In furtherance of the purpose of the founders to 
procure a Royal Patent "for this Island and Islands, 
and the lands adjacent," it was voted, at a meeting of 
The General Court of the Colony, held at Newport, 
September 19, 1642, "to draw up Petition or Petitions, 
and to send letter or letters for the same end to Sir 
Henry Vane," and a Committee was appointed for 
the transaction of the business consisting of Gov. 
Coddington, Deputy Gov. Brenton, the Assistants, 
IMessrs. Easton, Coggeshall, Porter and Baulston, 
William Dyer, Capt. Jeoffreys, Capt. Harding and 
Mr. John Clarke. The subject of a Royal Patent for 



Rhode Island, A Commonwealth. 145 

the Island was first acted on by the Freemen of New- 
port on December 17th, 1639, the first year of the 
town. The Colony of Rliode Island on Aquidneck 
now afiirms its purpose to secure a Patent, indepen- 
dent of any other community or plantation and ap- 
points its chief officers a Committee to transact the 
business ai: the expense of the Colony. Rev. Dr. Ad- 
lam, a Baptist minister of the John Clarke Memorial 
Church of Newport, in an address before the New- 
port Historical Society, Jan. 19, 1871, well interprets 
the minds of the Founders as to a Patent for Aquid- 
neck. He said, "It is evident that those who first 
settled Newport and Portsmouth did not intend to 
join themselves with any other community, but wished 
to be alone ; to form their own government, pass their 
own laws, and, unimpeded, manage their own affairs ; 
for they wished the charter to embrace only the 
Island. 

That they meant to be independent of all others, we 
have the direct testimony of Dr. Clarke ; for when he 
went to Plymouth to ascertain if Aquidneck fell with- 
in their Patent, he said to the authorities of that place, 
that they were resolved, through the help of Christ, 
to get clear of all, and be of ourselves. They had no 
more intention of incorporating themselves with 
Roger Williams and his settlement than they had of 
incorporating themselves with Plymouth or Massa- 
chusetts. There was no community, indeed, that fully 



146 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

harmonized with them. Their aim was to found a 
state where Liberty should be seen to be consistent 
with the reign of Law." 

Under date of March 13, 1644, the Freemen of the 
Colony, in General Court assembled at Newport, or- 
dered "that the Island commonly called Aquidneck, 
shall be from henceforth called the Isle of Rhodes, or 
Rhode Island.' 

We have reached the point in our Story where we 
must introduce Mr. Roger Williams as the principal 
actor. We have stated that at two sessions of the 
General Court at Newport, one in 1639 and again in 
1642, the Freemen had taken action as to a Patent 
for the Acquidneck territory, appointing Committees 
to solicit the aid of Sir Harry \^ane in securing a 
Royal Patent of the Islands in Narragansett Bay 
from Charles the First. It would give great satisfac- 
tion to know what action was taken by the two Com- 
mittees, appointed to intercede with Sir Harry Vane, 
but no record exists relative thereto. All is left to 
conjecture. 

And now follows an inexplicable event in our Col- 
onial Story. In June or July, 1643, about nine months 
after the last action at Newport as to a Patent, Roger 
Williams of Providence embarked from New York 
for England on some unknown errand without in- 
structions from the Rhode Island Colony as to a Pa- 
tent and according to Judge Staples, "there is nothing 



Rhode Island, A Commonwealth. 147 

in the records of Providence relative to this (his) ap- 
pointment." In fact it would have been an impossi- 
bility for the Providence community to act in so 
important a matter for there was no civil organization 
at Providence until 1649, and consequently there 
could be no legal or corporate act of such a nature 
transacted. It is absolutely certain that Rhode Island 
Colony did not seek or desire union with the com- 
munities at Providence or Warwick. It is also abso- 
lutely sure that had they favored a joint Patent with 
the small unorganized bodies at the head of the Bay 
they would have demanded the name Rhode Island 
Colony or Rhode Island and Providence Plantations 
as fixed by the Charter of 1663. 

On September 17th, 1644, Mr. Williams arrived in 
Boston with a paper styled "A Charter of Incorpora- 
tion for Providence Plantations in the Narragansett 
Bay in Nc7i' England." The instrument is signed by 
Robert, Earl of Warwick as Governor in Chief, fol- 
lowed by the names of several Colonial Commis- 
sioners, among which is the name of H. Vane. Ref- 
erence is made to the towns of Providence, Ports- 
mouth and Newport, but no mention is made of the 
Colony of Rhode Island on Aquidneck. The chief 
guarantv is civil government similar and in no respect 
differing in rights and privileges to the provisions of 
the Charters of Plymouth, Massachusetts Bay and 
other Colonies. No reference is made to religious 
libertv, nor to Indian land titles, but "Laws, Consti- 



148 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

tutions and Punishments for the Civil Government of 
the said Plantations must be conformable to the Laws 
of England, so far as the Nature and Constitution of 
the place will admit." Mr. Williams' Charter was re- 
ceived with rejoicing at Providence but was uni- 
versally repudiated by the settlers of Aquidneck. Mr. 
Williams had ignored the large Plantations on Rhode 
Island with five times the population and wealth of 
Providence and had assumed to secure a charter with 
authority over Portsmouth and Newport without the 
consent or knowledge of the inhabitants of the Island. 
Still more, he had attached the name Providence Plan- 
tations to the three settlements, when, as yet. Provi- 
dence had no organized government, the community 
being merely a congeries of families, with no recog- 
nized leader or head, and no magistracy of any sort. 
Richman properly calls the Providence Plantations, 
at this time, a "non-entity," and it is difficult to under- 
stand how Sir Harry Vane could endorse the charter 
of Providence Plantations, knowing well, as he did, 
the history of the Island towns and sending by Mr. 
Roger Williams as bearer, the scathing letter of re- 
proof to Providence for "such headiness, tumults, dis- 
orders and injustice." One would not be surprised if 
Mr. Williams suggested the letter, and Mr. Henry C. 
Dorr credits him with doing so. 

Governor Coddington, Chief Magistrate of the 
Island towns, opposed the acceptance of the Williams' 
charter, in which he was supported by the majority 



Rhode Island, A Commonwealth. 149 

of the electorate. Dr. Clarke, while recognizing Mr. 
Williams' "headiness" in securing a charter without 
the authority of the great body of the people, whom it 
was supposed to benefit, was more favorable to its 
acceptance, and, after three years' delay, during which 
time no action was taken under it, a General Court 
of Election was held at Portsmouth, May 19-21, 1647. 
"It was agreed that all should set their hands to an 
engagement to the charter," an achievement of Dr. 
Clarke's diplomatic and conciliatory spirit.. It was 
also agreed that Warwick should have the same 
privileges as Providence. Thus the four towns, 
Portsmouth, Newport, Providence and Warwick 
came, by the consent of all, to be the Colony of 
Providence Plantations. 

The officers elected were: 

President, John Coggeshall. 

/ Roger Williams, Providence. 

) John San ford, Portsmouth. 
Assistants, <,',.„. ^ , ,. 

I William Coddington, JNIewport. 

V Randall Holden, Warwick. 

General Recorder, William Dyer. 

Treasurer, Jeremy Clarke. 

It was ordered that an anchor be the seal of the 
Colony. 

It was also voted that a tax of £100 be levied to 
pay ]\Ir. Williams' expenses for obtaining the char- 
ter, — £50 from Newport, £30 from Portsmouth and 



150 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

£20 from Providence, indicating by the relative 
amounts apportioned the towns, that Providence had 
one-fifth the financial ability of the Island towns. 

The great act of this first session of the General 
Assembly of the Colony at Newport was the adoption 
of the first General Code of Laws for the Colony, 
which had been drawn up at Newport and sent to the 
several towns for examination. Judge Staples, in the 
Annals of the Town of Providence, assumes that the 
Code was drawn at Newport, and that this is referred 
to in the request of the Committee as "the model that 
hath been lately shown unto us by our worthy friends 
of the Island." Governor Arnold clearly states that 
this Code was prepared by the men of learning on 
the Island. As Gov. Coddington did not favor the 
adoption of the Charter, and would not accept the 
Presidency under it, it is fair to conclude that the Code 
was not his work. It is safe to assume that Dr. John 
Clarke, the scholar, was its author, aided possibly by 
the able Secretary of the Rhode Island Colony, Mr. 
William Dyer. 

The Laws, codified from English Common Law, 
were introduced by a Preamble as to Civil and Re- 
ligious Liberty, and their tenure suspiciously suggests 
their author. 

It is Agreed by this Present Assembly thus 
Incorporate, and by this Present Act Declared, 
THAT THE Forme of Government Established in 



Rhode Island, A Commonwealth. 151 
Providence Plantations is DEMOCRATICALL; 

THAT IS TO say, A GOVERNMENT HelD BY YE FrEE 

and Voluntarie Consent of all, or the Greater 
Parte of the Free Inhabitants. 

The Next Order Guarantees "Each Man's 
Peaceable and Quiett Enjoyment of His Right 

AND LiBERTIE, notwithstanding OuR DIFFERENT 

Consciences, Touching the Truth as it is in 
Jesus." 

The towns of Newport and Portsmouth were en- 
trusted with the duty of perfecting the means of 
enforcing the Code and the manner and time of or- 
ganizing monthly and quarterly Courts. The trading 
posts in the Narragansett Country were assigned to 
Newport, and that on Prudence to Portsmouth. 

This remarkable Code, emanated from the Island 
towns and as Governor Arnold states, the principles, 
— Democracy and religious freedom, — were "exclu- 
sively Rhode Island ( Aquidneck) doctrines and to her 
belongs the credit of them both.". The following re- 
markable testimony as to the Aquidneck Code is also 
from the pen of our Rhode Island historian, Gov. 
Arnold. "We hazard little in saying that the digest 
of 1647, for simplicity of diction, unencumbered as 
it is by the superfluous verbiage that clothes our 
modern statutes in learned obscurity; for breadth of 
comprehension, embracing as it does the foundation 
of the whole body of law, on every subject, which has 



152 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

since been adopted; and for vigor, and originality of 
thought and boldness of expression, as well as for the 
vast significance and the brilliant triumph of the prin- 
ciples it embodies, presents a model of legislation 
v^fhich has never been surpassed." Arnold's History 
of Rhode Island, Vol. 1, p. 206. 

There is one article in this Code that reflects and 
expresses most completely the delicate regard of the 
founders of the Island towns for the consciences as 
well as the conscience liberty of their fellows, and an- 
ticipating by several years the advent of the Quakers. 
"Forasmuch as the consciences of sundry men, truly 
conscionable, may scruple the giving or taking an 
oath, and it would be noways suitable to the nature 
and constitution of our place (who professeth our- 
selves to be men of diflferent consciences, and not one 
willing to force another) to Debar such as cannot do 
so. eyther from bearing office amongst us, or from 
giving in testimony in a case depending," it was en- 
acted that an affirmation before a Judge of Record 
should be accounted of as full force as an oath, so 
sensitive was the Aquidneck legislators even to anti- 
cipating conditions not then existant. 

The Code is to be found in Yo]. I. Rhode Island 
Colonial Records, pages 156-208, inclusive. In its 
text as well as in its preamble it confirms and main- 
tains the rights of the people in religious concerns, as 
did all subsequent legislation vmder the charter. 




GOV. WILLIAM ( ()|)I)INGTON, JR. 
1 68 i- 1683 



Rhode Island, A Commonwealth. 153 

It is certain that no body of persons in our Amer- 
ican Colonial life put the doctrine of religious tolera- 
tion to so severe a test as did the disciples of George 
Fox, known by the name of Friends or Quakers. As 
Newport was well known to them as a place of re- 
ligious freedom, this town became their City of 
Refuge, on this side the Atlantic. Hither, in 1653, 
came the Quaker-Pilgrim Mayflower, a little vessel, 
named the Woodhouse, built by an English Quaker, 
manned by Quakers, with a cargo of English Quakers, 
thirteen in all, two landing in New York and eleven 
in Newport. They were cordially welcomed to the 
Island, and were treated fraternally in both towns. 
Their doctrines and conduct were so acceptable to the 
people that many converts were made from among the 
most influential, intelligent and wealthy people of 
the Island. Governor Coddington, his son William, 
William Brenton, Nicholas Easton, John Cranston, 
Henry Bull, Walter Clarke, John Easton, Caleb Carr, 
William Wanton, John Wanton, — all of whom were 
afterwards Governors of Rhode Island, — became the 
disciples of George Fox and administered the govern- 
ment of the Colony, as far as the executive functions 
allowed, according to the civic principles of their 
faith. Mary Dyer, wife of William Dyer, the Sec- 
retary of the Colony for ten years, was among the 
many women who adopted the doctrines of the 
Friends, and was hung therefor on Boston Common, 
in 1660, for what Gov. Endicott and the Bay Colony 



154 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

regarded "pernicious and dangerous doctrine." When 
George Fox came to New England in 1671 he made 
Newport his headquarters and the first Friends' Meet- 
ing in New England was established by him, in Ports- 
mouth, in the vicinity of the original town site of 
Pocasset, of 1638. 

It is noteworthy that the original Colony of Rhode 
Island, 1640, was the only part of New England that 
extended the hand of welcome and friendship to the 
Quakers, and the only one in which they came into 
political control, holding it practically for nearly a 
century, the last Quaker Governor being Stephen 
Hopkins, who was also a member of The Continental 
Congress and a signer of The Declaration of Inde- 
pendence. The attitude of other Colonies and leading 
individuals was hostile to the Friends even unto their 
death. Roger Williams, in his polemic passion, wrote, 
"I have therefore publicly declared myself, that a due 
and moderate restraint, and punishing of these in- 
civilities (of the Quakers), (though pretending con- 
science), is so far from persecution, (properly so 
called), that it is a duty and command of God unto 
all mankind, first in families, and thence into all 
human societies." Plymouth and Connecticut exer- 
cised a "moderate restraint" of the Quakers by whip- 
pings and banishment, while Massachusetts Bay 
Colony punished Quaker "incivilities" by scourgings, 
branding, torturing, cutting ofif of ears and public exe- 
cutions by hangings on Boston Common. 



Rhode Island, A Commonwealth. 155 

In 1657, the Commissioners of the United Colonies 
of New England, in session at Boston, unanimously 
adopted a letter to the Colony of Rliode Island, on 
information that "divers Quakers are arrived this 
summer at Rhode Island (Newport) and entertained 
there, which may prove dangerous to the Collonies," 
and requesting "that you remove those Quakers that 
have been receaved, and for the future prohibite theire 
cominge amongst you." President Benedict Arnold, 
a non-Quaker, replied, saying among other things, 
"And as concerning these Quakers, (so-called), which 
are now among us, we have no law among us whereby 
to punish any for only declaring by words, &c., their 
mindes and understandings concerning the things 
and ways of God as to salvation and an eternal condi- 
tion." President Arnold promised to bring the letter 
before the General Assembly at its next meeting in 
March, 1658, at Portsmouth. 

The General Assembly meeting on the Island, in 
1658, returned a reply to the Commissioners in which 
they recited the ancient principle of religious liberty 
as the foundation of the Colony, as follows: "Now, 
whereas freedom of different consciences, to be pro- 
tected from inforcements was the principle ground of 
our charter, both with respect to our humble suit for 
it, and also to the true intent of the Honorable and 
renowned Parleiment of England in grantinge of the 
same unto us; which freedom we still prize as the 
greatest happiness that men can possess in this 



156 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

world." The letter asserts also the supremacy of the 
civil law and magistracy, to both of which Quakers 
with all other inhabitants are amenable, insisting that 
"theire may be noe damadge, or infringement of that 
chiefe principle in our charter concerninge freedome 
of consciences." This letter to the Commissioners is 
a splendid illustration of courteous diplomacy and is 
signed by John Sanford, Clerk of the Assembly. 

Before taking leave of the early Colonial Records, 
we must note the date of Incorporation of Providence 
in a town government, under date March 14, 1648- 
1649. On the petition of the freemen of the town of 
Providence for "freedome and libertie to incorporate 
themselves into a body politicks," the General As- 
sembly conferred unto "the free inhabitants of the 
town of Providence, * * * * ^l free and absolute 
charter of civill incorporation and government, to be 
known by the Incorporation of Providence Plantation 
in the Narragansett Bay, in New England, together 
with full power and authoritie to governe and rule 
themselves and such others as shall hereafter inhabit 
within anypart of said Plantation, by such a form of 
civill government as by voluntary consent of all, or 
the greater part of them, shall be found most suitable 
unto their state and condition." The order for a char- 
ter was signed by John Warner of Warwick, Clerk 
of the Assembly. 



Rhode Island, A Commonwealth. 157 

It will be borne in mind that Portsmouth organized 
its town government in 1638, Newport its in 1639, 
and in 1640, the two towns united to form the Colony 
of Rhode Island. In towns and Colony, civil freedom 
and liberty in religious concernments were clearly de- 
clared and absolutely enforced. 

Providence, a community of families from June, 
1636, had not had a civil officer, nor magistrate, and 
no form of legal government, except as voted by the 
"masters of families" meeting as occasion might 
suggest, whose orders had no binding effect upon the 
community as a whole. The oldest rate bill for taxes 
in Providence bears date Sept. 1, 1650. The gross 
amount was £56, 5s. Benedict Arnold was assessed 
£5. The sum of £3,6,8 each was assessed on William 
Field, Richard Scott, William Harris, William 
Arnold and William Carpenter. Roger Williams was 
assessed £1, 13s., 4d. 

Hereby is clearly established the Primacy of the 
Island towns, — Portsmouth 1638, eleven years in ad- 
vance of Providence in civil organization, — Newport 
1639, ten years ahead, — Rhode Island Colony on 
Aquidneck, 1640, — seven years earlier than the ac- 
ceptance of the Williams' charter by the Island towns 
in 1647, and organization and elections under it. 



158 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 



CHAPTER XII. 

Concerning Roger Williams and Providence. 

A discussion of the life and character of Roger 
Williams would lead us far astray from the pur- 
poses of this work. Our sole aim is to show that at 
Aquidneck, under the leadership of Dr. John Clarke, 
civil and soul-liberty, as understood in the seventeenth 
and eighteenth centuries, was clearly enunciated, fully 
established and permanently maintained, in advance 
of any other community of men, the world over. In 
establishing this proposition, it is not our motive or 
wish to diminish, in the least, the honor due Mr. Wil- 
liams. That he was a faithful co-worker with Dr. 
Clarke is cheerfully admitted. If Dr. Clarke's repu- 
tation as the founder of a free Commonwealth rested 
on the negative of a single worthy quality or act of 
Roger Williams, I should regard my study a failure. 
His monument will be built on a more enduring basis 
than the ruins of the pedestal of Mr. Williams' fame. 
Our sole denial relates to the claim, first publicly an- 
nounced by Rev. Isaac Backus, the Baptist historian, 
in 1777, that at Providence, a civil state was first 
established, Democratic in principle, and tolerant of 
all religious tenets, mainly, if not solely, by Roger 



Concerning Roger Williams. 159 

Williams.. Mr. Williams himself, self-assertive as 
he was, never made the claim. It was never thought 
by men of his time, and it remained unclaimed for a 
century after Mr. Williams' death and nearly a cen- 
tury and a half after the banishment of Mr. Williams 
from Massachusetts Bay Colony. It is a fact worth 
noting, in this connection, that, until very recently, 
the advocacy of Mr. Williams' claim was maintained 
in published works chiefly by Samuel G. Arnold, Wil- 
liam Gammell, J. D. Knowles, Rev. Dr. Benedict, Rev. 
Dr. Edwards, and Rev. Dr. H. M. King,— all Bap- 
tists and, severally, intimately related to the First 
Baptist Church and Brown University, Providence. 

I propose, in this chapter, to set forth, without 
much discussion, while suggesting proofs, several 
propositions as to Mr. Williams and the Providence 
Plantations. 

Proposition I. Roger Williams had no purpose 
or motive, on leaving Massachusetts to found a town 
or colony or to make any experiment in civil govern- 
ment. He intended to become a missionary to the 
Indians. 

"My soul's desire was to do the natives good, and 
to that end to have their language (which I after- 
wards printed) and therefore desired not to be 
troubled with English company." 

Roger Williams, Nov. 17, 1677. 



160 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

Proposition II. Mr. Williams was a Congrega- 
tional minister, and, at the age of thirty-one (1635), 
had had no experience in business, in civil affairs or 
in statecraft, and made no claims thereto. 

Proposition III. Mr. Williams' first plan led him 
to locate in Seekonk, on lands granted him by Mas- 
sassoit, within the limits of Plymouth Colony without 
the Narragansett territory. Here he built and 
planted as if for permanent occupation, until warned 
to leave that colony. 

Proposition IV. IVIr. Williams' ideal of land con- 
trol was in and through a private corporation, styled 
a Proprietory and to that end he became in 1638, and 
later, sole proprietor of extensive land rights as gratu- 
ities from the Narragansett sachems. By "The 
Initial Deed," he associated wath him, in joint owner- 
ship, twelve of his "loving friends," with power con- 
ferred to add "such others as the major part of us 
shall admit unto the same fellowship of vote with us." 

Proposition V. The members of the Proprietory 
were known under several names, — "Proprietors," 
"The Town Fellowship," and "Masters of Families." 
Suffrage was restricted to married men, who were 
also heads of families. Town meetings in Providence 
were held and all business was conducted by the mem- 
bers of the Proprietory, a voluntary, private land cor- 
poration, with no power to enforce its acts. This 
Proprietory existed about two centuries. Judge Wil- 



Concerning Roger Williams. 161 

Ham R. Staples being the last Proprietors' Clerk. See 
Staples "Annals of Providence." In the minds of the 
early settlers, such large land holdings corresponded 
to the fee-tail estates of England, giving to a few 
persons absolute control of all the lands of the pro- 
prietory, to be disposed of as the majority saw fit. 
Mr. Williams, at the outset, proposed "that without 
my consent, no person be violently brought in and re- 
ceived." Had his plan prevailed the sale of the lands 
would have been in the control of one man. As it 
was the whole estate was controlled by majority vote 
— at the outset by seven persons. It was a land-rich, 
purse-poor aristocracy of landlords, — not a "Bodie 
Politicke" or civil community as at Aquidneck. 

Proposition VI. From 1636 to 1651 there was no 
civil organization or government at Providence, no 
town government, no constitution, no public officers, 
no taxes, no civil or criminal laws, no courts, no mag- 
istrates, no civil arrests, no constable or justice, no 
warranty deed issued, no legal paper executed. In 
an undated letter to Gov. Winthrop Mr. Williams 
writes as to the planting of "a few families at New 
Providence; We have no Patent, nor doth the face of 
magistracy suit with our present conditions," and 
suggests the plan of a government by "the masters 
of families." When Mr. Williams named his settle- 
ment Providence, or when the name was adopted by 
the people is not known. (Staples). 



162 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

Proposition VII. "The Providence Compact," so 
called, styled by Mr. W. B. Weeden "Rhode Island's 
Magna Charta," was not the declaration of the Pro- 
prietors of Providence as to principles or policy in 
civil or religious liberty. This document, quoted by 
historians as the cornerstone of the first free common- 
wealth in the world, is as follows: 

We whose names are here (under) desirous to 

INHABITT IN YE TOWN (oF) PrOVIDENCE DO PROMISE 
TO SUBJECT (ourselves) IN ACTIVE OR PASSIVE OBEDI- 
ENCE TO AE(l) SUCH ORDERS OR AGREEMENTS AS 
SHALL (be) made FOR PUBLIC GOOD OF o'r (oUr) 
BODY IN AN ORDERLY (wAY) BY THE MAJOR CONSENT 
OF THE INHABITANTS MAYSTERS OF FAMILIES IN(cOR- 
PORATEd) together into a TOWNE FELLOWSHIP 

(and) others whome they shall admitt (unto 
them) only in ciull things. 

This paper was signed by thirteen persons: — 
Richard Scott, Thomas Harris, 

William Reynolds, x mark,Francis Weekes, x mark, 
Chad Brown, Benedict Arnold, 

John Warner, Josua Winsor, 

George Richard, William Wickenden, 

Edward Cope, John Field, x mark. 

Thomas Angell, x mark, 

This document has cut a large figure in the 
claims made for Roger Williams as to civil liberty. 
Let us studv it. 



:«Ct-' 



>C"^U 



H "^ 



vvc ,.V 












"> 



W^i^i^i 






oao 



fVi\ 






T^l 






"^ rl- 






THE PETITION OF RICHARD SCOTT AND OTHERS 

TO BECOME INHABITANTS OF PROVIDENCE 

DATE NOT KNOWN 



Concerning Roger Williams. 163 

First. It is not dated and is usually claimed to 
have been executed in 1637. As Chad Brown, the 
third signer, did not land at Boston until August, 
1638, and the date of his arrival at Providence is un- 
certain, some later date must be assigned than the 
settlement at Aquidneck in April, 1638. 

Second. It is in the hand writing of Richard 
Scott, the first signer, a man not a "loving friend" of 
Mr. Williams, at first a Baptist and a leading man in 
the settlement. 

Third. It was a petition of thirteen men to become 
inhabitants of Providence. 

Fourth. It was a recognition of the government 
of the town by "the maysters of families, incorporated 
together into a town fellowship." 

FiftJi. It was a promise of "active or passive 
obedience" to the order of the "maysters of families." 

Sixth. It established a limit to the orders or agree- 
ments of the Town Fellowship, by the words, "Only in 
ciuill things," and also by the words, "o'r (our) body." 

Seventh. This petition and pledge was made to 
Mr. Williams and his "loving friends," — proprietors, 
"maysters of families," "the town fellowship of New 
Providence," expressing the attitude of thirteen per- 
sons, there being no evidence that the petitioners were 
accepted under the terms proposed. 



164 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 



It is well known that Mr. Williams, in an undated 
letter to Governor John Winthrop of Massachusetts 
had proposed " a double subscription" for "your lov- 
ing counsel," the first concerning "masters of fam- 
ilies," the other concerning those few young men, and 
any who shall hereafter by your favourable conni- 
vance, desire to plant with us." In neither subscrip- 
tion as written by Roger Williams do the words "orily 
in ciuill things" appear. In this letter Mr. Williams 
suggests that against my consent, no person be vio- 
lently brought in or received." Below may be noted 
the parallellisms and differences between the Wil- 
liams Subscription, and the Richard Scott Petition. 
Roger Williams Sub- The Scott Petition. 
SCRIPTION. We whose names are 

We whose names are here (under) desirous to 



hereunder written, being 
desirous to inhabit in this 
town of New Providence, 
do promise to subject our- 
selves in active or passive 
obedience to such orders 
and agreements as shall 
be made from time to 
time, by the greater num- 
ber of the present house- 
holders of this town, and 
such whom they shall ad- 
mit into the same fellow- 
ship and privilege. In wit- 
ness whereof, etc. 



inhabitt in ye town (of) 
Providence do promise to 
subject (ourselves) in ac- 
tive or passive obedience 
to al(l) such orders or 
agreements as shall (be) 
made for public good of 
or (our) body in an or- 
derly (way) by the major 
consent of the inhabitants 
maysters of families in- 
(corporated) together in- 
to a town fellowship 
(and) others whom they 
shall admit (unto them) 
only in ciuill things. 



Concerning Roger Williams. 165 

The noticeabale diflerences are the phrases "O'r 
(our) body," "in an orderly way," "maysters of fam- 
ihes," and "only in ciuill things," and are explainable 
as follows. ]\Iost of the thirteen persons were of the 
Baptist faith, to which "our body," undoubtedly re- 
fers. The Baptists were strenuous defenders of 
liberty in religious concerns. Richard Scott was a 
Baptist, and was opposed to the general policy and 
spirit of Mr. Williams. In view of the fact that Mr. 
Williams had left the Baptists and become a "Seeker," 
and as William Harris and others of the "Town Fel- 
lowship" had little sympathy with the religious ele- 
ment of the settlement, there was need of a proviso, 
"only in ciuill things," to protect "our body," "in an 
orderly way," from the action of the "maysters of 
families," inasmuch as there was no legal protection 
and no constable or other officer to enforce the acts 
of the Proprietors. All rights rested on mutual agree- 
ments and the pledges of the parties in interest and 
their enforcement was a matter of voluntary con- 
sideration. 

So weak was the hold of this government of "the 
maysters of families," and "wanting in that energy 
necessary to preserve the peace and ensure prosper- 
ity," (Staples) it was agreed, in 1640, to establish a 
"Court of Arbitration" to settle all diflerences as to 
lands and other matters in dispute. Chad Brown, 
Robert Cole and William Harris were the leaders in 
the establishment of this voluntary tribunal, as an 



166 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

adjunct of a voluntary association, in an "attempt to 
live without law and govern without a government." 
(Dorr). 

Judge Staples says of the new plan by arbitration : 
"The new system, by its weakness and lack of energy, 
gave rise to difticulties, which, to some of the inhabi- 
tants seemed inherent and insurmountable. The 
great liberty which all enjoyed was abused by some 
to licentiousness." * * * * Some claimed the right to 
do with impunity whatsoever, they said, conscience 
dictated. Others were accused, at the time, of deny- 
ing all power in magistrates." Staples Annals. 

So weak and inefficient was the new scheme that 
the existence of the Plantation at Providence was 
threatened and as a result, thirteen of the inhabitants, 
on the 17th of November, 1641, "by fear of utter de- 
struction of the settlement," wrote a letter to the gov- 
ernment of ]\Iassachusetts Bay Colony, praying them 
"of gentle courtesy and for the preservation of hu- 
manity and mankind" to consider their condition and 
to lend them " a neighborlike helping hand," to en- 
force the execution of an award made by "eight men 
orderly chosen," against one of the inhabitants in a 
civil matter. The Bay Colony replied that they would 
not attempt to aid them unless they "did submit them- 
selves" to their jurisdiction. As a result William 
Arnold, William Carpenter, Robert Cole, Benedict 
Arnold and others "subjected themselves and lands" 



Concerning Roger Williams. 167 

to the Massachusetts government, while Samuel Gor- 
ton, John Greene and others purchased Shawomet of 
the Indians and withdrew to found a new settlement, 
Warwick. 

It may be a surprise to many to learn that in an 
original letter of Mr. Williams' to the town of Provi- 
dence dated June 15, 1681, at the age of 81, he "prays 
the town," "Tliat our ancient use of arbitration be 
brought in esteem again." He also "prays" "That ye 
old custom of order be kept in our meetings and ye 
unruly be reproved or upon obstinasee cast out from 
sober and free mens company." Can this purpose 
relate to persons of tender consciences? 

Concerning affairs civil and religious at Providence 
from 1640 to 1651, the testimony is abundant and 
conclusive that there was neither legal, moral or re- 
ligious restraint there. During a long period, from 
1643 to 1654, Mr. Williams was absent from Provi- 
dence, twice on journeys to England, and for the 
larger portion of the time at his trading house at 
Narragansett, near Wickford. 

In the letter Mr. Williams wrote to his wife, Mary, 
upon her recovery from a dangerous sickness, he 
writes, probably from Narragansett, before' 1652, 
"My dear love, since it pleaseth the Lord so to dis- 
pose of me and of my aft'airs at present, that I cannot 
often see thee, I desire often to send to thee." 



168 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

Judge Staples writes as to Providence in addition 
to the quotations above: "A great distrust and jeal- 
ousy of delegated power" ; "the feuds and divisions 
that had disturbed and hindered the growth of Provi- 
dence" : "Every individual was left as before not 
only to decide on his own but on every other person's 
acts, whether the same were according to the letter 
and spirit of the agreements"; "This year (1651) is 
the first record of any choice of town officers." "Roger 
Williams' deed was ambiguous, vague and uncertain." 
"Strife and contention between themselves (Provi- 
dence settlers) divided them into parties, and weak- 
ened and almost destroyed the system of government 
which they had established." 

Sir Harry Vane remonstrates with Mr. Williams 
as late as 1654; "How is it there are such divisions 
amongst you? Such headiness, tumults, injustice? 
* * * * Are there no wise men amongst you, who can 
find out some way or means of union and reconcilia- 
tion for you amongst yourselves, before you become 
a prey to common enemies?" 

As late as October, 1669, two certificates from two 
town clerks of Providence, in relation to the election 
of deputies, were presented to the General Assembly. 
One certified that there had been no election and the 
other contained the names of four deputies, who had 
been chosen to that office. The General Assembly 
passed an act, the preamble of which rehearsed "the 



Concerning Roger Wieliams. 169 

grievous symptoms that appear of the dangerous con- 
tests, distractions and divisions amongst our ancient, 
loving and honored neighbors, the freemen, inhabi- 
tants of Providence, whereby the said town is ren- 
dered in an incapacity of transacting their own afifairs 
in any measure of satisfactory order with peace and 
quietness, and, consequently, unable to help in the 
managing and ordering of public alTairs by deputies 
that ought to be by them sent to the General Assembly, 
and jurymen to the courts of trials, whereby there is 
or seems to be a break in the whole." It was affirmed 
that the cause of these conditions arose "from dis- 
agreement and dissatisfaction about divisions and dis- 
positions of lands, wherein it is impossible either party 
can be clear from giving and taking offence." 

A committee of Aquidneck deputies was appointed 
to proceed to Providence "to endeavor to presuade 
them to a loving composure of their differences," but 
was unsuccessful in securing peace and unity. 

It is a matter of authentic history that the land 
controversies, growing out of what Judge Staples 
styles "the vague, ambiguous and uncertain" terms of 
the Williams deed were not finally settled until the 
early years of the eighteenth century and then only by 
act of Parliament. 

Proposition VII. Roger Williams did not, in any 
recorded form, utter any distinct statement as to 
liberty of conscience, in relation to the settlers or the 



170 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

civil and business polity of the settlement at Provi- 
dence, nor did he discriminate between conscience 
liberty and religious liberty in his work in attempting 
to organize civil society. By reason of this failure he 
created an "immoralism based on the idea that the 
individual has a right to express his personality, with- 
out in any way considering the claims of the com- 
munity of which he forms a part." 

As a consequence men of disordered and depraved 
consciences found a ready asylum at Providence. 
One man's conscience allowed him to beat his wife 
frequently and cruelly. Another's conscience did not 
recognize the Christian Sabbath. Another's con- 
science forbade the payment of taxes. All refused 
magistracy, on grounds of conscience freedom. Steal- 
ing from the common lands of the Proprietors was 
sustained by the same principle. Every form of civil 
disorder was practiced and tolerated at Providence, 
on the ground that each man's conscience was the 
arbiter as to his conduct and that neither law nor 
magistrate should interfere. Judge Staples, the an- 
nalist of Providence, tells us that, in 1672, when for 
the first time, deputies to the General Assembly were 
required to take the oath of office, it was "to the great 
dissatisfaction of the good people of Providence, who 
protested against it" on the ground "it is contrary to 
the liberties granted to us in our charter, our charter 
not binding us to any such thing, and many persons 
scrupling such impositions to be imposed on them." 



Concerning Roger Williams. 171 

For a fuller revelation of the singular conduct of 
"distressed consciences" at Providence, even to fight- 
ings and deeds of violence, reference is made to Vol. 
IX., Collections of the Rhode Island Historical So- 
ciety, entitled "The Proprietors of Providence and 
Their Controversies with the Freeholders, by Henry 
C. Dorr, 1897. For the purpose of testimony on most 
vital matters relating to the "immoralism" of the doc- 
trine of "conscience liberty," as illustrated in the 
''lively experiment" inaugurated by Mr. Williams at 
Providence, it furnishes abundant proof that an 
asylum for weak, erring or diseased consciences is not 
a safe place to establish a Democracy, with full re- 
ligious freedom. Such a class of people have in all 
times and in all places fostered discord, tumult, 
anarchy. "Poor Providence," as Mr. Williams often 
lamentingly called it, was not an exception to the law. 

Here then, at Providence, was a turbulent com- 
munity, committing deeds of violence, unchecked by 
laws, in no sense a state or colony characterized by 
"organized, legalized morality," and all the product 
of a loose regard for rights of property or civil re- 
straints. To call it a free Commonwealth would be a 
sad degredation of a noble title. 

Proposition VIII. In 1643, Mr. Williams, moved 
by the discords and strife at Providence, of his own 
motion, journeyed to London for a Patent or charter. 
Aided by Sir Harry Vane he obtained what is known 



172 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

as the Roger \\"illianis Patent of 1644. We would 
expect that an eminent expounder of conscience lib- 
erty, by the aid of \^ane would procure an instrument 
clearly guaranteeing such liberty. What do we find 
in the Patent of 1643-4? There is not a syllable re- 
ferring to freedom of conscience, soul liberty or re- 
ligious freedom, nor did it contain any grant of land. 
It was a simple document, in usual form, empowering 
the planters to rule themselves as English subjects, 
with the bounds of their civil jurisdiction "so vague, 
ambiguous and uncertain," as to invite occupation of 
the Narragansett Country by the Atherton Company 
of Boston on the east, and the Connecticut settlers 
on the west. 

With an assumption of authority unparalleled in 
American history, Mr. Williams caused the Aquid- 
neck Colony to be incorporated with the Providence 
Proprietory under the title of the Colony of Provi- 
dence Plantations, when as yet Providence had no 
legal existence, save as a voluntary association of 
shareholders in a land corporation, with an annex of 
a community of "distressed consciences." As a 
matter of fact, Providence never had a distinct 
Colonial life, and no corporate life until 1649, thir- 
teen years after its settlement by Mr. Williams and 
five companies. 

Proposition IX. Roger Williams and his asso- 
ciates developed at Providence the spirit of individ- 



Concerning Roger Williams. 173 

ualism, an inheritance transmitted in large measure 
to the later inhabitants of Providence Plantations. 
Mr. Richman writes : "Now that the island of Aquid- 
neck had become a political entity, the contrast be- 
tween it and the entity (or non-entity) Providence 
was marked in the extreme. By Providence there 
was symbolized individualism — both religious and 
political — a force centrifugal, disjunctive, and even 
disruptive. By Aquidneck (and especially by the 
Newport part of it) there was symbolized collectivism 
— a collectivism thoroughly individualized as to re- 
ligion, but in politics conjimctive and centripetal. * * 
* * During the age of Roger Williams that which we 
are bidden to contemplate on the shores of Narragan- 
sett Bay is a struggle for supremacy between sepa- 
ratism and collectivism." Prof. Masson describes 
Mr. Williams as "the arch-individualist." As such, 
he certainly lived to see the influence of his teachings 
as conducive of anarchy, and not of Democracy. 

Proposition X. A just estimate of Mr. Williams' 
abilities and character is the key to his successes and 
failures. The final verdict of history must deal with 
the essential, governing principles of the man's life. 
A multitude of friends and critics during a period of 
three centuries afford sufficient evidence for a candid 
and unbiased judgment. 

In intellectual ability and training, Mr. Williams 
excelled. His sanguine temperament made him a 



174 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

quick observer of men and things. His large com- 
bativeness, coupled with supreme egotism and the 
callowness of youth, led him to polemic excesses in 
his early life, which age and experience in a measure 
checked. John Quincy Adams characterized him as 
"conscientiously contentious." Mr. W'. B. Weeden 
speaks of "the vagaries of his individual will." Mr. 
Williams was wanting in the judicial spirit. Thomas 
Durfee states that "historians urge that he was eccen- 
tric, pugnacious, persistant, troublesome ; undoubtedly 
he was." He was a diplomat in the Indian camp, but 
not among English peoples. He was generous to a 
fault and often sacrificed his own comfort of mind 
and body for others. He was not a selfish man and 
was self-forgetful in the disposal of lands and money. 
Mr. Weeden says "He was a good man of business 
in his private afifairs," but he died a poor man, not- 
withstanding. 

In constructive state-craft, ^Ir. Williams was an 
absolute failure. Not a vestige of institutional, 
political or social life of his founding exists today. 
Weeden writes, truthfully. "Williams was not skillful 
or wise in politics." He attempted a feudal estate of 
his Moshassuck lands, under his own control as lord 
of the manor. Failing in this, he converted his vast 
holdings into a Proprietory of married men with 
children, the male head of the household alone having 
property rights or the right of franchise. He invited 
young men from other colonies to come to Providence, 



Concerning Roger Williams. 175 

but denied them lands and the privilege of voting. 
Even Samuel Gorton, the founder of Warwick, whom 
our state historian, Samuel G. Arnold, pronounces 
"One of the most remarkable men that ever lived," 
was refused admission as an inhabitant of Provi- 
dence. Men "distressed in conscience" were invited 
to Providence to become sharp thorns in the sides of 
the Proprietory. A voluntary government by "house- 
holders" gives way at Providence to an equally useless 
and ineffective voluntary "Board of Arbitration," and 
"Poor Providence" waits fifteen years, until 1651, 
before it has legal town officers. (Staples). At no 
time in the history of Providence, after the formation 
of the Proprietory, did Mr. Williams hold control in 
business, civil or religious affairs, as against William 
Harris, Thomas Olney and the proprietors of the 
town. 

In religious concerns and conscience freedom, the 
realm of Mr. Williams" accepted supremacy, much 
could be said, little will be. Roger Williams came to 
Providence an ordained minister of the Orthodox 
Congregational faith. In 1639, he was immersed by 
Ezekiel Holliman, a lay member of the Baptist order 
from Salem, and united with eleven other Baptists, 
in the formation of a church. Three or four months 
later, questioning the validity of his baptism by a lay- 
man rather than a priest, he withdrew from the Bap- 
tists and became, as he styled himself a "Seeker," for 
the rest of his life. As a "Seeker" he was am.enable 



176 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

to no sect, outside the pale of all, and, having no ac- 
cepted standard of belief, could not reasonably criti- 
cize others. "In Roger Williams, independency had, 
in 1639, become Seekerism, the ne plus ultra of re- 
ligious individualism." (Richman). Little account 
appears of Mr. Williams as a religious teacher, after 
1640. There is no valid ground for claiming Mr. 
Williams as the founder of the First Baptist Church 
of Providence or of his being its first minister. Judas 
Iscariot was a disciple of Jesus for about three years 
but he has never been called one of the founders of 
the Christian church. Mr. Williams renounced his 
baptism after an experience of four months with men 
of little knowledge in church or state, and then styles 
himself a "Seeker" and is claimed as the founder of 
that sect in England. It is a travesty of history to 
call Mr. Williams a Baptist, when he did not pass the 
probationary stage for membership. From 1644 to 
1652, he seems to have dwelt at his trading house at 
Narragansett, as a neighbor of Richard Smith and 
the Narragansett tribe of Indians. 

It is difficult to discover Mr. Williams' attitude as 
to conscience freedom at Providence for we find no 
declaration from him by lip or pen as to the matter. 
We find the terms "liberty of conscience," and "dis- 
tressed consciences" in the writings of that day, but 
these terms are too "vague, ambiguous" and fugitive 
to command serious attention, except to call attention 
to what seems to have been Mr. W^illiams' personal 



Concerning Roger Williams. 177 

attitude as to the matter of conscience freedom. In 
his early life, jNIr. Williams made the individual con- 
science superior to the community conscience. W'hen 
such a notion prevails, there can be no law, no courts, 
no magistracy, as was the case in Providence from 
1636 to 1651, and even later. It was the period of 
anarchy, when every man was free to act without 
legal or civic restraint. 

Later in life, in the parable of the ship at sea, Mr. 
Williams declares that there can be no true liberty of 
conscience except in obdience to law, the individual 
conscience submitting to the community conscience. 
Here he claims that the supremacy of the majority 
conscience must be maintained. This was the teach- 
ing of Locke and all other right-minded teachers of 
ethics, ancient or modern. In one of the Massachu- 
setts court rooms, this motto hangs over the Judge's 
chair, "Here speaketh the conscience of the state, re- 
straining the individual will." 

So far as conscience liberty is considered in the 
history of Mr. Williams, it may be found in and 
limited to the academic discussions of his polemical 
writings, issued in 1644 and thereafter. Chapter III. 
on Conscience Liberty and Soul Liberty should be 
read in this connection. 

The best test of the philosophy of ^Ir. Williams is 
to be found in the practical results of his teachings 
and labors at Providence. The following quotations 



178 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

as to civil, social and moral conditions are to be found 
in Staples, Weeden, Dorr, Carpenter, Arnold and 
others. "It (Providence) was without skilled, arti- 
zans, mechanics or professional men, and, save Wil- 
liams, it had no man of liberal education. It had no 
coercive authority — had not even a constable, but was 
merely a voluntary association. It was subject from 
its earliest days to violent discontents and disturb- 
ances." (D.) "Controversies were numerous and 
acrid." "Stealing by the small freeholders from the 
common lands was constant." Enmity between classes 
went on." "Disorders began at an early day and 
the town had no courts or magistrates to repress 
them." "There were here young men discontented 
with their political disabilities." "The town fellow- 
ship was at an end." 

"The settlers did not care enough about ministers 
or denominations to fight either for or against them." 
"Daily tumults and afifrays." "The peace of the 
town was at an end." "The tide is too strong against 
us and I feare (if the framer of hearts help not) that 
it will force me to little Patience, a little isle near to 
your Providence." R. W. to J. W. "The Proprietors 
who had converted his (R. W.) public trust into a 
land speculation." "Attempts in Providence to live 
without law and govern without government." "Wil- 
liams rarely suflfered his personal resentments to 
grow cool." "Private owners were not permitted to 
sell their lands without consent of the town." "The 



Concerning Roger Williams. 179 

Proprietors began to use the prohibition to fell timber 
trees as a restraint upon shipbuilding and commerce." ■ 
"The inferior freemen bore an undue share of the 
public burdens of both town and colony rates." "The 
transfers of property were without formality or pre- 
cision. No deed was thought necessary until the 
days of the second charter." (1663.) Little regard 
was paid to the Sabbath as a day of rest or worship. 
Profanity and lewdness of conduct were common. 
Small regard was paid to rights of person or prop- 
erty. Mr. Williams' judgments of his associates and 
townspeople were hasty and ill-tempered. Little re- 
gard was paid his opinions, which were vacillating 
and inconstant. 

His mental attitude was alert, vigorous, polemic. 
His sanguine temper tended to quick decisions, while 
his honesty of mind compelled frequent reversions of 
opinion, and laid him open to the charge of incon- 
stancy and fickleness. Wanting a logical mind, his 
premises and conclusions were often at variance. 
Wanting a judicial mind, he failed in council. Want- 
ing an exactness in thought and action, due to tem- 
perament and education, his statements, official acts 
and correspondence are often only half truths. He 
was little versed in business matters and had small 
legal knowledge. His moral character was pure and 
without guile. He possessed a province, and, for 
want of a practical business faculty and worldly sa- 
gacity, died in poverty. Making few friends and 



180 The Story of Dr. Johx Clarke. 

fewer confidants, he absolutely failed in leadership 
and lost the crown which he might have honestly 
claimed. A separatist in faith, and an ardent ad- 
vocate of a free church in a free commonwealth — 
civil and religious liberty, — he sacrificed his idealism 
on the altar of self-will, lost the material goods for 
which he so firmly and unselfishly contended for a 
life time, and for the sake of personal peace, accepted 
self-banishment as an antidote to strife. 

Profiting by the hard experiences of a long life 
struggle with his own mistakes and the hard knocks 
of adversaries, in his own civil household, he was 
too honest, too conscientious, too just and too mag- 
nanimous not to recognize the success of those, in an- 
other portion of the commonwealth, who had organ- 
ized and put in practical operation the principles 
which he had in various and variable ways advocated. 
Mr. Williams' treatment of the Quakers is a perfect 
illustration of his character and mental habit. New- 
port had for twenty years been the home of the 
Quakers in the American Colonies. At the age of 
seventy-two, despite his ideas as to liberty of con- 
science and civil rights, despite the infirmities of body, 
with small charity and large hatred and intolerance 
he decided to assault George Fox and his trusty, peace 
loving disciples, in their chosen house of refuge, — 
Newport, the home of Dr. John Clarke. 



Concerning Roger Williams. 181 

He called the Quakers "Pragmatical and Insulting 
Souls," "Bundles of Ignorance and Boisterousness," 
"with a face of brass and a tongue set on fire from 
the Hell of Lyes and Fury." A challenge to a debate 
is sent to George Fox, which in his absence, was ac- 
cepted by Newport Quakers, and fourteen proposi- 
tions of a most deprecatory and denunciatory char- 
acter were sent for debate. A day and part of the 
night, for thirty miles, Mr. Williams records "God 
graciously assisted me in rowing all day with my old 
bones, so that I got to Newport toward midnight be- 
fore the morning," of the three days' conflict. The 
story of that battle of words is best untold, and no 
apologist of Mr. Williams has ever been able to 
square his attitude as to "pressing the Quakers," with 
his profession of conscience and civil liberty. The 
result of the contest appeared in the rapid growth 
of the Quaker body and faith on Aquidneck and their 
wise and prudent government of the Colony for more 
than a century. The incident establishes Mr. W. B. 
Weeden's statement in a broad sense that "Williams 
never could formulate his own large conceptions into 
dogmas, capable of founding solid societies." 



182 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

The Royal Charter of 1663, the Final Guaranty 
OF Civil and Religious Freedom in America. 

Great men and their deeds and great facts of his- 
tory are liable to lie bedded in the soil of forgetfulness 
until some resurrective force raises men and facts to 
the light and life of honest and honorable recognition. 
Such century plants survive ordinary human achieve- 
ment and in time find their permanent place in the 
orders of social and civil life. These principles apply 
to the Royal Charter of 1663 and its author and pro- 
curer, Dr. John Clarke of Aquidneck. 

The charter of Rhode Island of 1663 has been uni- 
versally recognized as the most liberal state paper 
ever issued by the English Crown. It is remarkable 
in several particulars, one of which is that it is a con- 
firmation of the Declaration of Breda. 

Declaration of Breda. 

Liberty to Tender Consciences. 

April 4-14, 1660. 

We do declare a Liberty to tender consciences: and 
that no Man shall be disquieted, or called in question, 
for difiPerences of opinion in matters of religion which 



Royal Charter of 1663. 183 

do not disturb the peace of the kmgdom ; and that we 
shall be ready to consent to such an act of Parliament, 
as, upon mature deliberation, shall be offered to us, 
for the full granting that indulgence. 

Charles II, Rex. 

Still further it gives Royal sanction to the founda- 
tion principles of the Aquidneck towns. Yet more, its 
inner meanings, its scope and its historic references 
establish the authorship in Dr. John Clarke of Rhode 
Island Colony. Of all the acts of his distinguished 
career, the authorship and procuring the Royal Char- 
ter is the greatest. 

I have it in mind to show that the principles of 
civil and religious liberty as set forth in the demo- 
cratic constitution of the several states of our republic 
and in the constitution of the United States, were 
clearly enunciated, set forth and solemnly enacted in 
the Royal Charter, given to the colony of Rhode 
Island by King Charles, the Second, July 8, 1663. In 
other words, I propose to show that the rights, privi- 
leges and prerogatives of a free commonwealth, under 
modern constitutional enactments, inhered in and 
were guaranteed by that charter, and that the Colony 
of Rhode Island was to all intents and purposes de 
jure, a free and independent republic, under a strict 
construction of constitutional jurisprudence, from the 
8th of July, 1663, until the 4th of May, 1776. 



184 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

A few important facts of Rhode Island history will 
preface my argument. 

In the year 1636, Roger Williams, banished from 
Massachusetts Bay Colony, with a few companions, 
made a Plantation on the banks of the Moshassuck, 
calling it Providence, and his territorial purchase of 
the Narragansetts, Providence Plantations. In 1638, 
William Coddington and others, likewise banished 
from Massachusetts Bay Colony, planted at Ports- 
mouth, and, in 1639, Coddington with John Clarke 
and others planted a town on the south end of Aquid- 
nick, calling it Newport, and the territorial posses- 
sions, acquired of the Narragansetts, Rhode Island. 
In 1643, Samuel Gorton and ten others, having en- 
joyed a double banishment from Plymouth Colony 
and Rhode Island Colony, purchased Shawomet, or 
Warwick of the Narragansetts, and settled the fourth 
community, outside the two settlements already made. 
On the 17th of September, 1644, Mr. Williams, re- 
turning from England, landed at Boston with the first 
charter, constituting "The Incorporation of Provi- 
dence Plantations in Narragansett Bay." This state 
paper, conferring the right and authority of civil gov- 
ernment on the United Colony of the four towns, was 
adopted by them in 1647, when in a General As- 
sembly, held at Newport, in May of that year, a 
colonial government was organized and John Cog- 
geshall of Newport was chosen president of the 
colony. The charter of 1644, omitted all reference to 
religious concerns. 



Royal Charter of 1663. 185 

In 1648 and 1649, William Coddington of Newport 
was made president of the four united towns of the 
colony. On the execution of Charles the First, and 
the accession of Cromwell and the Puritan Common- 
wealth, Coddington sailed to England secretly, and in 
the midst of the confusion of the new regime, obtained 
a commission as Governor for life of the islands of 
Aquidneck and Conanicut. This strange act nullified 
the charter and left Warwick and the plantations with 
the whole Narragansett country at the mercy of the 
avaricious colonies of Connecticut and Massachusetts 
Bay. The whole colony was aroused and John Clarke, 
representing the Rhode Island towns, and Roger Wil- 
liams the towns of Warwick and Providence Planta- 
tions were sent to England in 1651 to obtain a recall 
of Coddington's powers, and the restoration of the 
charter of 1643, and in 1652 the successful mission 
of Clarke and Williams was welcomed by the people, 
— a result largely due to the influence of Sir Harry 
Vane and John Milton, both ardent friends of the 
Rhode Island principle. In 1654, j\Ir. Williams re- 
turned to Providence, leaving John Clarke in England 
to protect the interests of the four towns, again united 
in one colony. 

The death of Cromwell and the accession of 
Charles the Second in 1660 witnessed a new crisis in 
our colonial history, when not only our charter rights 
were desrtoyed, but even our territorial holdings were 
put in great jeopardy. The restoration of the Stuarts 



186 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

and the annulment of the acts of the long Parliament 
made it necessary for Rhode Island to seek a new 
charter. The hour for a great diplomat had come, 
and Dr. John Clarke, the greatest American diplomat 
of his age, was at the post of duty, as well as danger, 
in the great emergency, and after long and wearisome 
debate, fierce and determined opposition from the 
London agents of Connecticut and Massachusetts Bay 
Colonies, and malignant personal abuse from unex- 
pected quarters, he secured the signature and seal of 
Charles the Second on the 8th day of July, 1663, creat- 
ing in perpetuity the English colony of Rhode Island 
and Providence plantations in the Narragansett Bay, 
New England in America. 

And what was its content of constitutional free- 
dom? 

First was the recognition of the absolute right of 
the Indian tribes to the soil and the guarantee of the 
Indian titles to estates in fee simple to the original 
planters of the colony. This was a remarkable con- 
cession, in that it annulled all prior claims to Indian 
lands by right of discovery or conquest as vested in 
the crown, and established the contracts as made be- 
tween the settlers and the Narragansetts, as valid and 
binding on all concerned. The words of the charter 
are, "and are seized and possessed, by purchase and 
consent of the said natives, to their full content, of 
such lands, islands, rivers, harbors, and roads, as are 



Royal Charter of 1663. 187 

very convenient, etc." By these words all Indian land 
titles were confirmed and established by royal consent 
and authority throughout Rhode Island. In other 
colonies the lands were bestowed by the crown and 
confirmed by the natives, but here Indian sales were 
confirmed by the King and as a further grant, the 
settlers were permitted "to direct, rule, order and dis- 
pose of all other matters and things, and particularly 
that which relates to the making of purchases of the 
native Indians." These concessions were in answer 
to the claims of Clarke and Williams, so long main- 
tained, that the Indians were the rightful owners of 
the soil they occupied. 

Next to the perfect guarantee of Indian titles, was 
the perfect and complete guaranteed political life in 
a body politic styled "THE GOVERNOR AND 
COMPANY OF THE ENGLISH COLONY OF 
RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLAN- 
TATIONS, ETC." "that by the same name, they and 
their successors shall and may have perpetual succes- 
sion, and shall and may be persons able and capable, 
in the law to sue and be sued, to plead and be im- 
pleaded, to answer and be answered unto, to defend 
and be defended, etc. * * * as others our liege people 
of this our realm of England, or any corporation or 
body politic within the same may lawfully do." 

This body so ordained contained all the ma- 
chinery of government, perfect, absolute, complete in 



188 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

and of itself, responsible for its acts and so consti- 
tuted as to fulfill all the functions of self-protection 
and defense. 

Still further, to set this complicated machinery of 
state in order and motion, "We will and ordain, and 
by these presents, for us, our heirs, and successors, 
do declare and appoint that for the better ordering 
and managing of the affairs and business of the said 
company, and their successors, there shall be one Gov- 
ernor, one deputy Governor and 10 assistants, to be 
from time to time, constituted, elected and chosen, out 
of the freemen of the said company, for the time be- 
ing, in such manner and form as is hereafter in these 
presents expressed, which said officers shall apply 
themselves to take care for the best disposing and 
ordering of the general business and affairs of and 
concerning the lands, and hereditaments hereinafter 
mentioned to be granted, and the plantation thereof, 
and the government of the people there. And, for 
the better execution of our royal pleasure herein, we 
do, for us, our heirs and successors, assign, name, 
constitute, and appoint the aforesaid Benedict Arnold 
to be the first and present Governor "of the said com- 
pany, and the said William Brenton to be deputy gov- 
ernor," with ten assistants therein named, to continue 
in office until the first Wednesday in May, next com- 
ing. And "forever thereafter" the major part of the 
freemen shall elect assistants and deputies semi- 



Royal Charter of 1663. 189 

annually, to a meeting or assembly to be called The 
General Assembly, "to consult, advise and determine, 
in and about the affairs and business of the said com- 
pany and plantations." 

Here was American democracy pure and simple. 

First, the freemen whose qualifications were deter- 
minable by the body politic, the corporation of Rhode 
Island. Suffrage, by this instrument, was limited 
only, as to-day, by the will of the people. No word 
as to manhood or womanhood suffrage, no property 
qualification, no reference to native or foreign born — 
simply the freemen. 

Further, "the major part of the freemen of the 
respective towns," elected their representatives. Here 
we have the great law of majority rule in elections, 
which has held sway in town and state legislative pro- 
cedure for three centuries. The Rhode Island town 
is here recognized as the unit of political institutions 
and the purest illustration of popular government of, 
for and by the people. 

The General Assembly as above constituted and 
elected by the freemen, in town meeting assembled, 
was granted full power and authority "from time to 
time and at all times hereafter to appoint, alter and 
change such days, times and places of meeting and 
General Assembly as they shall think fit; and to 
choose, nominate and appoint such and so many other 
persons as they shall think fit, and shall be willing to 



190 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

accept the same, to be free of the said company and 
body poHtic, and them into the same to admit ; and to 
elect and constitute such offices and officers and to 
grant such needful commissions, as they shall think 
fit and requisite, for the ordering, managing and dis- 
patching of the affairs of the said Governor and com- 
pany, and their successors; and from time to time to 
make, ordain, constitute or repeal such laws, statutes, 
orders and ordinances, forms and ceremonies of gov- 
ernment and magistracy as to them shall seem meet 
for the good and welfare of the said company, and 
for the government and ordering of the lands and 
hereditaments, hereinafter mentioned to be granted, 
and of the people that do, or at any time hereafter 
shall inhabit or be within the same; so as such laws, 
ordinances and constitutions, so made, be not con- 
trary and repugnant unto, but as near as may be, 
agreeable to the laws of this our realm of England, 
considering the nature and constitution of the place 
and people there, and also to regulate and order the 
way and manner of all elections to offices and places 
of trust, and to prescribe, limit and distinguish the 
numbers and bounds of all places, towns or cities 
within the limits and bounds hereinafter mentioned, 
and not herein particularly named, who have, or shall 
have, the power of electing and sending of freemen 
to the said General Assembly; and also to order, di- 
rect and authorize the imposing of lawful and reason- 
able fines, mulcts, imprisonments and executing other 



Royal Charter of 1663. 191 

punishments, pecuniary and corporal, upon ofifenders 
and delinquents, etc., according to the course of other 
corporations in the English realm." 

The General Assembly was "to appoint, order and 
direct, erect and settle such places and courts of juris- 
diction, for the hearing and determining of all actions, 
cases, matters and things, happening within the said 
colony and plantation, and which shall be in dispute, 
and depending there, as they shall think fit and also to 
distinguish and set for the several names and titles, 
duties, powers and limits, of each court, office and 
officer, superior and inferior ; and also to contrive and 
appoint such forms of oaths and attestations, not re- 
pugnant, but as near as may be agreeable, as afore- 
said, to the laws and statutes of this our realm, as are 
convenient and requisite with respect to the due ad- 
ministration of justice, and due execution and dis- 
charge of all offices and places of trust by the persons 
that shall be therein concerned." 

Religious liberty was confirmed and forever es- 
tablished in the remarkable utterances, the leading 
declaration of which appears in a prior letter from 
Dr. John Clarke to Charles II., under date of 1662. 
This letter sets at rest forever the authorship of the 
sentiment cut in marble in the facade of the State 
House, and so often credited to Roger Williams. It 
is a monument to the greatness of Dr. John Clarke. 



192 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

"And whereas, in their humble address, they have 
freely declared, that it is much on their hearts (if 
they may be permitted) to hold forth a lively experi- 
ment, that a most flourishing civil state may stand 
and best be maintained, and that among our English 
subjects, with a full liberty in religious concernments; 
and that true piety rightly grounded upon gospel prin- 
ciples, will give the best and greatest security to sov- 
ereignty, and will lay in the hearts of men the 
strongest obligations to true loyalty: Now, know ye, 
that we, being willing to encourage the hopeful un- 
dertaking of our said loyal and loving subjects, and 
to secure them in the free exercise and enjoyment of 
all their civil and religious rights, appertaining to 
them, as our loving subjects; and to preserve unto 
them that liberty, in the true Christian faith and wor- 
ship of God, which they have sought with so much 
travail, and with peaceable minds, and loyal subjec- 
tion to our royal progenitors and ourselves to enjoy; 
and because some of the people and inhabitants of the 
same colony cannot, in their private opinions, conform 
to the public exercise of religion, according to the 
liturgy, forms and ceremonies of the Church of 
England, or take or subscribe the oaths and articles 
made and established in that behalf; and for that the 
same, by reason of the remote distances of those 
places, will (as we hope) be no breach of the unity 
and imiformity established in this nation: Have there- 
fore thought fit, and do hereby publish, grant, ordain 



Royal Charter of 1663. 193 

and declare, That our royal will and pleasure is, that 
no person within the said colon}-, at any time here- 
after shall be anywise molested, punished, disquieted, 
or called in question, for any differences in opinion 
in matters of religion, and do not actually disturb the 
civil peace of our said colony; but that all and every 
person and persons may, from time to time, and at 
all times hereafter, freely and fully have and enjoy 
his and their own judgments and consciences, in mat- 
ters of religious concernments, throughout the tract 
of land hereafter mentioned, they behaving them- 
selves peaceably and cjuietly, and not using this liberty 
to licentiousness and profaneness, nor to the civil in- 
jury or outward disturbance of others, any law, 
statute, or clause therein contained, or to be contained, 
usage or custom of this realm, to the contrary hereof, 
in any wise notwithstanding." 

In this declaration as to rights of conscience in re- 
ligious concerns. Dr. Clarke quotes from the famous 
letter of Charles the Second to the Commons, known 
as the Declaration of Breda, April 4-14, 1660, in 
which he affirms "that no man shall be disquieted or 
called in question for differences of opinion in mat- 
ters of religion which do not disturb the peace of the 
kingdom." 

Other valuable privileges and concessions were 
granted, but enough have been presented to show 
that the Rhode Island government was clothed with 



194 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

all the powers and perogatives of a free, democratic 
republic. Territorial rights, citizenship, f reemanship, 
the franchise, administrative assemblies, a represen- 
tative government, an unrestricted law-making power, 
an independent judiciary, freedom of speech, of 
political action, of conscience, or religious faith, were 
granted to Rhode Island by the sovereign grace of 
Charles the Second, the founder and friend of a free 
colony, under the broad imperial aegis of Great 
Britain. 

On so broad a platform of constitutional rights, the 
colony of Rhode Island stood, the freest common- 
wealth in principle and practise on the face of the 
earth. So broad, so practical, so efficient were the 
provisions of this great charter of human rights and 
of constitutional government that it stood all the 
needs of a Colonial life, a period of 113 years, and 
then served the needs of a State Constitution within 
the Federal Republic for 67 years — a total of 180 
years, — the oldest of all. 

Our state historian Arnold says of it: "Under it 
the state was an absolute sovereignty with powers to 
make its own laws, religious freedom was guaranteed, 
and no oath of allegiance was required. Rhode Island 
became in fact, as well as in name, an independent 
state from that day." 

"The extent of the power conferred by this charter 
is indeed surprising. The military arm, always re- 



Royal Charter of 1663. 195 

lied upon as the distinctive barrier of the throne, is 
formally and fully surrendered to the people, in this 
instrument, even to the extreme point of declaring 
martial law — a grant, which in repeated cases, the 
government of Rhode Island successfully defended in 
later years against the threats and the arguments of 
the royal governors of New England." 

"With this charter, serving as the basis of govern- 
ment, rather than prescribing its form, the state led 
the way in the final struggle for national indepen- 
dence." 

Henry Cabot Lodge in his History of English 
Colonies in America, who wittingly holds the ancient 
Massachusetts animus as to our colonial government 
says: "Clarke was an adroit and an able man; * * * 
Clarke's charter soon after passed the seals and the 
Governor and Company of Rhode Island were fairly 
incorporated. This charter was drawn in the most 
liberal terms possible — establishing a purely popular 
elective government — while it bore the marks of its 
author in its provision that no one should be molested 
for any religious opinion, if the peace was kept." 

To Bancroft, our greatest American historian, be- 
longs the honor of bestowing upon the Rhode Island 
charter of 1663, the first position as a state paper 
among the records of civilized men, and of according 
to Dr. John Clarke, the agent of the Colony of Rhode 
Island and the author of the immortal document, en- 
during words of praise. 



196 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

After referring to the remarkably liberal charter of 
the Colony of Connecticut of 1662, he writes: "Rhode 
Island was fostered by Charles II with still greater 
liberality. When Roger ^^^illiams had succeeded in 
obtaining from the Long Parliament the confirmed 
union of the territories that now constitute the state, 
he returned to America (1654) leaving John Clarke 
as the agent of the colony in England. Never did a 
young commonwealth possess a more faithful friend; 
and never did a young people cherish a fonder desire 
for the enfranchisement of mind. 

" 'Plead our case, they had said to him in previous 
instructions which Gorton and others had drafted, in 
such sort as we may not be compelled to exercise any 
civil power over men's conscience; we do judge it no 
less than a point of absolute cruelty.' * * * The 
good-natured monarch listened to their petition; 
Clarendon exerted himself in their behalf: the mak- 
ing trial of religious freedom in a nook of a remote 
continent could not appear dangerous : it might at once 
build up another rival to Massachusetts and solve a 
problem in the history of man." * * * 

"This charter of government, establishing a politi- 
cal system which few besides the Rhode Islanders 
themselves then believed to be practicable, remained 
in existence till it became the oldest constitutional 
charter in the world." * * * "Nowhere in the world 
were life, liberty and property safer than in Rhode 
Island." 



Royal Charter of 1663. 197 

He calls Dr. John Clarke, "the modest and virtuous 
Clarke, the persevering and disinterested envoy," who 
"parted with his little means for the public good"; 
and '"left a name on which no one can cast a shade." 

And so it came to pass in the reign of Charles II, 
King of England, to wit, in 1663, through the inter- 
cession of Dr. John Clarke, Envoy Extraordinary 
from the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence 
Plantations, for 12 years, to wit, from 1651; 

That the boundaries of the colony were clearly de- 
fined; 

That the Indian deeds of lands were confirmed; 

That the estate of freemen was created; 

That civil government was vested in this demo- 
cratic estate; 

That a de facto government was established and 
set up; 

That the law-making power was vested in an elec- 
tive body, styled the General Assembly ; 

That a judiciary was created for the determination 
of justice ; 

That a military force was ordained for defense; 

That martial law was vested in the executive; 

That freedom of worship and of conscience was 
made the basis of individual rights ; 

And, all under the laws, ordinances and constitu- 
tions, "agreeable to the laws of this our realm of 



198 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

England, considering the nature and constitution of 
the people there." And these things and more were 
embodied in that great instrument, the Royal Charter ; 
were the inherent elements of our Declaration of In- 
dependence, and have been the foundations of the 
civil state we love and honor. 

Had Dr. John Clarke of Newport no other claim 
to the first place among the founders of American 
Colonies, the Royal Charter of 1663 would confer 
that honor. 





GRAVE OF DR. JOHN CLARKE 
NEWPORT, R. I. 



Dr. John Clarke. 199 



CHAPTER XIV. 

Concerning Dr. John Clarke. 

Roger Williams' Opinion of Dr. John Clarke. 

"His grand motive, — A just liberty to all men's 
spirits in spiritual maters." 

"For his honoured and beloved Mr. John Clarke, 
an eminent witness of Christ Jesus agst ye bloodie 
Doctrine of Persecution, &c." 

Reasons for Planting AquidnEck. 

"We must remark that this Colony (Rhode Island) 
w^as a settlement and plantation for religion and con- 
science sake. * * * The first planters of this Colony, 
and Island, fled not from religion, order or good gov- 
ernment, but to have liberty to worship God and enjoy 
their own opinions and beliefs. * * * We find that re- 
ligion and conscience began the Colony. * * * The 
posterity of a people, who were guided to this happy 
Island, as a safe retreat from the stormy winds, as 
a place of freedom to practice every branch of re- 
ligion in. * * * Our fathers established a mutual 
liberty of conscience. * * * Liberty of conscience was 
never more fully enjoyed than here. * * * His memory 



200 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

(Dr. John Clarke's) is deserving of lasting honor for 
his efforts towards establishing the first government 
in the world, which gave to all equal civil and religious 
libert}'. * * * He was the original proprietor of the 
settlement on the Island and one of its ablest legis- 
lators. No character in New England is of purer 
fame than John Clarke." 

Rev. John Callender, A. M. 

Century Sermon, 1739. 



An Estimate of Dr. John Clarke. 

Samuel G. Arnold, Historian of Rhode Island, says: 

"John Clarke and his brave anions peaceably 

purchased 'the Eden of America' from its aboriginal 
lords, and founded a Christian Colony in the midst 
of heathen barbarism." 

"The two men who had been so long rivals in their 
public life, as agents of their respective colonies, but 
who had always maintained a mutual friendship, 
passed from the world almost together. Dr. John 
Clarke expired two weeks after Governor Winthrop, 
in the sixty-seventh year of his age. To him Rhode 
Island was chiefly indebted for the extension of her 
territory on both sides of the Bay, as well as for the 
royal charter. He was a ripe scholar, learned in two 
professions, besides having had large experience in 
diplomatic and political life. He was always in public 



Dr. John Clarke. 201 

life under the old Patent, as Commissioner and as 
General Treasurer, from the first election of Commis- 
sioners held under it, until sent to England, where 
he was employed as Agent of the Colony for twelve 
years. On his return, he served as a Deputy in the 
Assembly from the first election under the Charter 
till he was made Deputy Governor, to which position 
he was three times elected, and served twice, closing 
his public life with that ofiice, five years before his 
death. With all these public pursuits, he continued 
the practice of his original profession as a physician, 
and also retained the pastoral charge of his church, 
as its records show. His life was devoted to the good 
of others. He was a patriot, a scholar, and a Chris- 
tian. The purity ui .lis character is conspicuous in 
many trying scenes, and his blameless, self-sacrificing 
life disarmed detraction and left him without an 
enemy. The Colony was largely indebted to him for 
advances made in securing the Charter." 

The Order as to "Doctrine." 

"The people (of Aquidneck) having recently trans- 
ferred the judicial power from their own control to 
the Court and Juries, they enacted this law protecting 
liberty of conscience, not choosing to trust the judici- 
ary with the keeping of that sacred principle for 
which they had transported themselves, first from 
England and then from IMassachusetts. It was the 
foundation of the future statutes and Bill of Rights, 



202 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

which distinguished the early laws and character of 
the state and people of Rhode Island from the other 
English Colonies in America." 

"Bulls Memoirs of Rhode Island." 



Dr. John Clarke, Founder and Legislator. 

"Dr. John Clarke was the original projector of 
the settlement on Rhode Island, in 1638, and was sub- 
sequently one of its ablest legislators." 

"He was the first regularly educated physician in 

Rhode Island and was an able, pious and distinguished 

man." 

Prof. William Goddard, 

Brown Univ. 



He was buried on his own land on Tanner street, 
Newport, between his two wives, Elizabeth and Jane. 

Here Lycth ye 

Body of John Clarke 

Gent. Pliistfian 

Aged 66 years 

Died 1676 and is buried 

Between his tzvo zvives 

Elizabeth and Jane. 



Dr. John Clarke. 203 

Religious Freedom at Newport. 
Notwithstanding so many diflferences, here are 
fewer quarrels about religion than elsewhere. The 
people living peaceably with their neighbors of what- 
soever persuasion. 

Bishop Berkley, Newport, 
x\pr. 24, 1729. 



LiFEj Liberty and Property in Rhode Island. 

"Nowhere in the world have life, liberty and prop- 
erty been safer than in Rhode Island." — George Ban- 
croft, Historian. 



The Old Charter, 1663. 
"How dignified and perspicuous is its language! 
What a choice specimen of English undefiled! How 
luminous is the arrangement of its provisions, how 
comprehensive and unambiguous the terms in which it 
secures to the people not only perfect liberty of con- 
science in matters of religion, but likewise the almost 
unrestricted power to govern themselves "in civil 
things! The chief glory of the old charter is the 
ample security which it provides for religious liberty." 

"So democratic was the charter deemed to be, both 
in its letter and spirit, that doubts were entertained in 
England whether the King had a right to grant it." 

William Goddard, 
Professor Brown Univ. 



204 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

The Code of 1647. 

"The Code of 1647 was the work of the people of 
Aquidneck. It embodied their organizing and sys- 
tematizing spirit and thus wrought for collectivism. 
But in its framing there were not overlooked the 
claims of particularism." 

"Otherwise than what is * * * * herein forbidden, 
all men may walk as their consciences persuade them, 
every one in the name of his God." 

Richman. 



Aquidneck. 

"The Island was refined, flourishing, aristocratic, 
while the mainland was primitive, poor and plebian." 

"In Rhode Island there of course was no religious 
intolerance." 

Richman. 



Freedom of Church and State. 

"For the first time in human history. State had been 
wholly dissociated from church in a Commonwealth 
not Utopian but real. For the first time the funda- 
mental idea of modern civilization — that of rights of 
man as a being responsible primarily to God and not 
to the community — had been given an impulse power- 
ful and direct." 

Richman. 



Dr. John Clarke. 205 

Free Religious Institutions. 

"Dr. Clarke's name must be dear to every citizen 
of Rhode Island, who venerates our ancient free re- 
ligious institutions." 

The Newport Republican. 



"Dr. Clarke practiced as a physician in London 
from 1652-1663." 

Dr. Usher Parsons. 



A Spotless Character. 

"It may be proper to take some particular notice of 
Mr. Clarke, who left as spotless a character as any 
man I knew of, that ever acted in any public station in 
this country. The Massachusetts writers have been 
so watchful and careful to publish whatever they 
could find which might seem to countenance their 
severities, they used towards dissenters from their 
way that I expected to find some thing of that nature 
against Mr. Clarke, but have happily been disap- 
pointed." 

"Dr. John Clarke was a principal instrument in 
procuring Rhode Island for a people, persecuted else- 
where." 

Rev. Isaac Backus, Historian, 1777. 



206 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

To 

JOHN CLARKE, PHYSICIAN 

1609-1676 

Founder of Newport 

And of the Civil Polity of Rhode Island. 



Marble tablet in Hall of Newport Historical Society, 

Erected by the Newport Medical Society, 

Dec, 1885. 



scholar, physician, minister and statesman. 

"In 1676, died John Clarke, scholar, physician, min- 
ister and statesman ; above all, a pure patriot. Al- 
ways in public affairs, his 'blameless, self-sacrificing 
life' left him without an enemy, although in these 
times strife everywhere prevailed." 

"John Clarke, more practical than Roger Williams, 
seized every opportunity to ally himself with the most 
liberal religious thought of Continental Europe, as 
well as of England." 

"John Clarke laid his topographical lines as skill- 
fully as he negotiated politically." 

"They (the Quakers) flocked into Newport. Here 
they found a free atmosphere and many people with 
minds open for the reception of their ideas." 



Dr. John Clarke. 207 

"Dr. John Clarke's expenses in England, while pro- 
curing the royal charter, the secured foundation of 
the Colony, had been slowly paid and never were fully 
liquidated. Yet no one deserved more from the 
planters than this enterprising, wise and forecasting 
statesman. Roger Williams berated Providence that 
they "ride securely by a new Cable and Ankor of Mr. 
Clarke's procuring." 

"Sagacious as Charles the Second was, he built 
better than he knew, when he allowed absolute free- 
dom of conscience in the little dependency of Rhode 
Island." 

^^'illiam B. Weeden, 

In "Early Rhode Island." 



"Dr. John Clarke came to Boston, Nov., 1637. He 
became a follower of Mrs. Anne Hutchinson and is 
venerated as the founder of Newport." 

James Savage, Gen. Dictionary. 



Dr. John Clarke and the Royal Charter. 

"Who can describe the feeings of Clarke when he 
received from the hands of Chales II. that charter, 
which it was the great aim of his life to obtain. The 
Colony was now safe ; and there was at least one spot 
on the face of the globe where every man could sit 
under his own vine and fig tree, with none to make 



208 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

his afraid."* * * * "The joy in the Colony was equally 
great." * * * "If ever a people were sincere in ex- 
pressing their gratitude, it was when they voted 
thanks to their Sovereign Lord, King Charles the 
Second; to the most honorable Earl of Clarendon; 
and to their faithful agent, John Clarke."* * * "It 
(the Royal Charter of 1663), constituted Rhode 
Island the Morning Star of Liberty to the world, and 
gave her a name and an influence that will never die. 
It was the wonder of the age when it was given, as it 
has been the admiration of each succeeding age." * * 
"The Colony then assumed its permanent form, and 
was embodied in institutions that continue to this day, 
its central principle being Freedom, Especially Re- 
ligious Freedom, Secured by Fundamental Law." 

Rev. S. Adlam, 
Pastor Dr. John Clarke Memorial Church, 

Newport, 187L 



Dr. John Clarke. 
"I firmly believe that there was not then a better 
balanced mind than Dr. John Clarke's in all America 
and Rhode Island never had a more devoted friend. 
He was prodigal of himself in her service, and when 
he died he gave the remnant of his fortune for the 
relief of her poor and the bringing up of her children 
to learning." 

Hon. William P. Sheffield, 

Newport Oration, 1876. 



Dr. John Clarke. 209 

Clarke Family. 

Dr. John Clarke of Newport was in the fourth 
generation from John Clarke ^^^ of Westhorpe, Suf- 
folk, England who was buried March 3, 1559; 
through John (2\ b. 1541 ; died April 4, 1598: through 
Thomas (3), b. Nov. 1. 1570; d. July 29, 1624. His 
mother was Rose Kerridge. who died Sept. 19, 1667. 

Children Born at Westhorpe. 

1. Margaret, b. Feb. 1, 1600. 

2. Carew, b. Feb. 3, 1603 ; came to Newport, R. I. 

3. Thomas, b. March 31, 1605 ; came to Newport, 

R. I. 

4. Mary, b. July 17, 1607; m. John Peckham of 

Newport. 

5. John, b. Oct. 3, 1609: Founder of Aquidneck. 

6. William, b. Feb. 11, 1611. 

7. Joseph, b. Dec. 19, 1618; came to Newport, 

R. I. 



John Clarke Monument. 

"Rhode Island owes to John Clarke a monument 
of granite and a statue of bronze." 

John R. Bartlett, 
Secretary of State for Rhode 
Island, 1855-1872. 



210 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

Roger Williams and Dr. John Clarke. 
Letter of Moses Brown to Prof. J. D. Knowles. 
Providence, 17 of 6 mo., 1830. 

Respected Friend: — 

Thy letter of the 15th is before me. I have long wished 
that a correct account of Roger Williams could be made as 
our town and state is therein interested, but I apprehend thou 
wilt find it difficult to effect it with that candor and intelli- 
gence thou had when I first was acquainted by information 
thereof in thy youthful days, by reason that R. W.'s char- 
acter has been written by his friends, who claim him of their 
party in religious matters. I mean not only Baptists but Pres- 
byterians and others biassed by other means. Should thou 
correct the errors evidently made by Elder Backus (from 
others and himself) and from him repeated in English writers 
thou may not satisfy thy friends, and thou must calculate to 
find many things which thou (probably) never heard of him 
that thou can but consider against his character as well as 
things favorable. Baptist writers in some respects disagree. 
Doct. Edwards on inquiry among our old people concluded 
and has left it in his history, now in our Historical Society's 
library, that R. W. was never considered (first) an Elder, but 
that Chad Brown was the first Elder in the Baptist Church 
in this town, but Elder Backus has taken much pains to 
establish R. W. the first and in every other way to raise the 
character of him beyond what well authenticated facts on 
Records disprove, and in his endeavor to exalt Roger's chris- 
tian character, has endeavored to lay waste that of ancient 
Friends, for which he was called to account before some of 
his friends. 

R. W.'s first writing was very different from his latter, both 
as to matter and manner and he is accused by his opponent, 
John Cotton, then as not adhering to the truth. It will appear 
by Roger's own account that he was turned out of office by 
the King's party and by Baxter and Crosby's History of the 
Baptists and indeed by Backus that he was the Father of the 




THOMAS WILLIAMS BICKNELL 



Dr. John Clarke. 211 

Seekers in England ; that he was with Cromwell and the Long 
Parliament in England, to whom he addressed his writings and 
appeared so strong a Cromwellian, that he could not bear 
those who were for the King's party. Hence his difficulties 
arose with Gov. Coddington and others in this state and was 
also connected with the long dispute with the first 12 who 
purchased 12-13 of what he had from the natives and by his 
joining the after comers which became the strongest party, 
a law suit was kept up for 50 years and the Elder Backus 
says was settled in Roger Williams time, but was not finished 
until many years after his death by the heirs of the first pur- 
chasers who had the third time to apply to England to effect 
and finally settle by themselves in 1711. I mention these 
things as hints to give thee some idea of the difficult task, 
and I apprehend Roger's character if fully looked into will 
not appear better than it now stands with the Baptist Society. 

Having been desirous a true history of our settlement and 
progress might be made, I long since made some small pro- 
gress in obtaining some account of facts and among them 
some such as mentioned appear not to have been generally 
known, and I, having early probably like thyself conceived 
very high notions respecting the character of R. W., it was 
difficult for me to get so far released from them to admit 
many things I found on inquiry to be realities; but at length, 
I became thoroughly satisfied that he was a very changeable 
man and yet a strong-minded, self-conceited, perserving man, 
making an unusual character for a man of talents and educa- 
tion. 

This off-hand sketch is not to discourage thee, but to pre- 
pare thy mind to receive proof of these statements, which 
with others, I shall be willing to give thee information, as far 
as my time and ability will admit of, if thou should conclude 
to proceed with the arduous task and feel willing and with 
thy usual candor proceed in the work. 

I don't here touch his treatment of the Quakers as that will 
appear in history from himself and those opposed. 



212 The Story of Dr. John Clarke. 

Dr. Edwards was of opinion that Dr. and Elder, (for he 
was both), John Clarke, a person of learning and persecuted 
in Massachusetts, ought much more to be considered the 
Father of this state and especially of the Baptists in it than 
R. Williams; to this effect he was heard to express himself 
by divers persons. 

He was Agent in England and procured the charter in which 
Religious Liberty is so fully mentioned, but that which R. W. 
procured does not contain a word about it, tho Backus states 
it to be Roger William's Charter, &c. 

I remain thy friend, 

MOSES BROWN. 

Moses Brown, the writer of the above letter, was 
the son of James and Hope (Power) Brown and in 
the fifth generation from Chad Brown, who was the 
first ordained pastor of the First Baptist Church in 
Providence. He was born in Providence, Sept. 23, 
1738 and died Sept. 6, 1836,— within 17 days of 98 
years of age. His grandfather, James, was pastor 
of the First Baptist Church from 1726 to his death in 
1732. Moses Brown knew many men and women 
who knew Roger Williams well and his knowledge of 
the history of early Providence exceeded that of any 
man of his time. This letter to Prof. Knowles, the 
historian of Roger Williams, is from the "Moses 
Brown's Papers," in the Rhode Island Historical So- 
ciety, and so far as the writer can ascertain, has never 
been printed. 

Moses Brown was eminent as a citizen, as a student, 
as a philanthropist and his views as to Roger Wil- 
liams and his times and of Dr. John Clarke have a 
commanding value, as they express the opinions of 
the period just following the life and death of Mr. 
^^^^lliams. 



Concerning Aquidneck. 

1630-38: William Coddington and many others, 
citizens of Boston, in training in civil government. 

1634-38: Anne Hutchinson School of Civil and 
Religious Liberty. 

1637-8: Banishment of Coddington, Clarke and 
many others. 

1638, March : Compact of 'Bodie Politick" formed 
at Boston and signed by 23 subscribers ; William Cod- 
dington elected Judge. 

1638, March: Aquidneck bought of the Narra- 
gansetts. 

1638, May: Government of freemen organized 
and a town, afterwards called Portsmouth, was lo- 
cated at Pocasset on the Island Aquidneck; majority 
rule was established and manhood suffrage. 

Town officers elected; lands surveyed, sold and 
deeds recorded ; houses built ; meeting house, tavern, 
grist mills, stocks and whipping post, etc., etc., ordered 
built by town ; military company organized ; highways 
laid out; fences built; taxes assessed and collected; 
courts and jury trials established. 

1639, April: William Coddington, John Clarke 
and others founded the town of Newport on Aquid- 
neck, with officers, institutions, laws and civil and 
criminal procedure the same as at Portsmouth. 



1640, March: The two towns, Portsmouth and 
Newport unite in forming a Colonial government, 
with a Governor, Deputy Governor, Assistants, Sec- 
retary and Treasurer. 

1640: A public school established at Newport. 

The estimated population of Aquidneck in 1640 
was 1,000 inhabitants. 

1641, March: This "Bodie Politick" was declared 
a "Democracie" or Popular Government under just 
lawes with majority rule. 

It was ordered "that none bee accounted a delin- 
quent for Doctrine." 

A Colonial Seal was ordered, "A sheale of arrows 
bound up in the Liess or Bond, this motto indented: 
Amor Vincet Omnia. 

Tenure of lands on Aquidneck affirmed. 

"Libertie of Conscience in point of Doctrine is 
perpetuated." 

General Court of Elections, constituting a Colonial 
or General Assembly was held at Newport. 

Colonial Courts, Judges and Trials by Jury were 
established. 

A commercial treaty was made with the Dutch 
Goernor of New York. 

1644: The name of the Colonial Island was 
changed from Aquidneck to Rhode Island. 



1647: A Code of Laws was enacted for the four 
towns, Portsmouth, Newport, Warwick and Provi- 
dence, constituting the Province of Providence. 

1649, March: A charter of incorporation was 
granted to Providence "in the modell that hath been 
latelie shewn unto us by our worthy Friends of the 
Island." 

1651, November: Mr. John Clarke, by the choice 
of Newport and Portsmouth, went to England as their 
representative to secure the repeal of the Coddington 
Charter. 

1663, July : The Royal Charter was obtained from 
Charles II., guaranteeing civil and religious liberty in 
the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plan- 
tations. This remarkable State paper was written 
by Dr. John Clarke, who had spent twelve years in 
London to secure it. 



A FEW NEWPORT ENDORSEMENTS. 
"A LivELiE Experiment." 

We cordially endorse Air. Bicknell's conclusions 
and arguments as to The Primacy of Portsmouth and 
Newport, — The Colony of Rhode Island on Aquid- 
neck, in Narragansett Bay, — in the "Livelie Experi- 
ment" of Founding Civil and Religious Liberty, under 
the leadership of Dr. John Clarke of Newport. We 
pledge him our patronage and hearty support in the 
publication of The Story of Dr. John Clarke, The 
Founder of The First Free Commonwealth in the 
World on the Basis of "Full Liberty in Religious Con- 
cernments." 

The Society of the Sons of the Revolution in the 
State of Rhode Island, Newport, May 24, 1915. 

Edward A. Sherman, President. 

George B. Austin, Secretary. 

At the annual meeting of the Newport Historical 
Society held May 25, 1915, the Society adopted the 
above declaration. 

D. B. Fearing, President. 
Edith May Tilley, 

Librarian and Clerk. 

At the annual meeting of William Ellery Chapter, 

D. A. R., held June 10, 1915, the Chapter voted to 

support Mr. Bicknell in his publication of "The Story 

of Dr. John Clarke." 

Caroline W. Lockrow, Regent. 

Grace E. Milne, Secretary. 

Mr. John P. Sanborn, Editor Mercury, Newport. 

Mr. John B. Sullivan, Postmaster, Newport. 

Mr. Jeremiah W. Horton, Ex-Mayor, Newport, R. I. 

Horatio R. Storer, ]\I. D., Newport, R. I. 

Mr. H. B. Wood, Newport, R. I. 







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